sides their oppositon to all measures that looked toward war, they were opposed to all measures that tended to increase the expenditures of the government because of their habit of considering every measure, not from the point of view of expediency, but from the point of view of its capacity to be used as a precedent in undermining the liberties of the people.

This characteristic was strikingly shown in a persistent and bitter attempt in the regular session of Congress to defeat appropriations to support Ameri- Debate on ap can ministers at the courts of Berlin and

Portugal. One would naturally suppose

propriations for ministers to Prussia and Portugal.

that the primary question would have been whether the usefulness of ministers at those courts was likely to justify the expense. That question was, of course, raised by the opposition, but it was not considered on its merits. Nicholas, who opposed the appropriation with all his might, "thought it necessary to take a view of this subject not only from the increase of expense, but from a variety of other considerations. He conceived it to be a duty they owed to themselves and their constituents, as well to secure liberty, as to perpetuate the constitution itself, that the President, who had the power of making. appointments, should be kept from extending the power beyond what the nature and wants of the government absolutely required." But the attitude of the Federalists was equally strained and unnatural. They also could not consider the question on its merits, but connected it

in their minds with questions of transcendent importance because of its possible influence as a precedent. In the same debate, the Federalist, Harper, said: "It is my firm and most deliberate opinion that the amendment now under consideration to refuse appropriations for the ministers to Portugal and Prussia, and the principle to which it belongs, lead directly to the introduction of anarchy and revolution in the country, and if not steadily opposed must sooner or later produce that effect."

From such different points of view, it was natural for the Republicans to underestimate the need of increased taxes, and the Federalists to overestimate it. The one party was willing to run the risk of embarrassing the government in the interests of liberty; the other, of imposing unnecessary burdens on the people in the interests of order and good government. But in spite of the opposition of the Republicans, laws were passed increasing the duty on imported salt, and imposing stamp duties. All schemes of internal taxation, as we have seen, were especially obnoxious to the Republicans. They did violence to the very strong feeling of state patriotism which was especially characteristic of this party. The feeling that the state was the country of its citizens, made all schemes of internal taxation by the federal government seem like taxation by a foreign power. Accordingly, they succeeded in postponing the operation of the new stamp act till January, 1798, and afterwards till the following June.

Before the close of the special session, John Marshall, Elbridge Gerry and Charles Cotesworth Pinckney were appointed envoys extraordinary to France.

QUESTIONS.

1. Why, in your opinion, did France reject Pinckney? 2. Contrast the tone of Monroe's farewell speech with the treatment Pinckney received. How do you account for it?

3. Speaking of Monroe, Washington said: "There is abundant evidence of his being a mere tool in the hands of the French government, cajoled and led away always by unmeaning assurances of friendship." Do you think he was right?

4. What was there in the speech of the President of the Directory to Monroe that indicated that France still meant to pursue the policy that Genet had undertaken to carry out in the United States?

5. Were Hamilton and Adams on friendly terms?

6. Why did Hamilton urge a special mission to France?

7. Contrast the opinions of Cabot and Nicholas.

8. What did Harper try to prove? Was he right? Mention the facts that seem to you to support or overthrow his opinion.

9. What did Senator Maclay say in his diary in harmony with the position taken by the Republicans as to appropriations for ministers to Prussia and Portugal?

CHAPTER XVII.

THE X., Y. AND Z. MISSION.*

HE selection of the envoys had been a matter of

THE

great interest ever since it was decided to make another effort to preserve peace with France. The problem that the President had to solve was not merely to find men whose characters and abilities fitted them for the difficult and delicate work which was to be done, but to find such men in whom the two parties had confidence. This was a difficult task. So general and decided was the partiality of the public men of the time, either for England or France, that it was almost impossible to find a man who was acceptable to one party, in whom the other had confidence.

But the President's selection was fairly satisfactory to both parties. John Marshall and C. C. Pinckney were both moderate Federalists, and Elbridge Gerry was a moderate Republican. Jefferson wrote to him that his nomination "gave me certain assurance that there would be a preponderance in the mission, sincerely disposed to be at peace with the French government and nation." Such a statement from such a man would seem to be conclusive proof

Jefferson's letter to Gerry.

*So called because the letters X. Y. and Z. were substituted for the names of the unofficial agents of Talleyrand in the report transmitted to Congress.

that the President had selected envoys, a majority of whom had no undue partiality for England.

The Directory

and a loan to France.

They met in Paris October, 1797, and at once notified Talleyrand, the French minister of Foreign Affairs, of their arrival and requested him to appoint a day for an interview. He replied that he was occupied with a report upon American affairs which was to be submitted to the Directory, and that he could not grant an interview until it was finished. A few days later (Oct. 18), an unofficial agent from Talley- demands a bribe rand, M. Hottinguer (designated as X. in the dispatches transmitted to Congress), told them that the Directory were exceedingly irritated at some passages in the President's speech, and that these passages would have to be softened before the envoys could be received. But this was not all. So outraged were the Directory in behalf of France that a bribe of $240,000 for themselves, and a considerable loan to France was necessary to soothe their wounded feelings. A few days later, two more unofficial agents, M. Bellamy and M. Hauteval appeared. Bellamy read the President's speech and enlarged upon the resentment it had occasioned, and upon the "satisfaction" that was an indispensable preliminary, as he said, to any negotiation. "But I will not disguise from you," he continued, "that this satisfaction being made, the essential part of the treaty remains to be adjusted; you must pay money, you must pay a great deal of money."