1ight of ownership in man, it is too good a case. They set forth the fact that the negro has the constitutional right to vote; that by one means and another this right is denied him, and that it is the duty of the Government to protect all its citizens in all their rights. It is so easy to assert our rights; so easy to tell our own side of the story! There is not a black man in Boston who has not the same right that you and I have to come and go at will; to occupy the best rooms at the hotels; to sit in the stage-boxes of the theaters; to hold the choicest pews in the churches. But what would happen if the blacks should flock in overwhelming numbers to the hotels, the theaters and the churches? And what would the white people of Boston think, what would they do, if a hostile party, having a chance majority in Congress, should pass a law, setting forth the black man's constitutional right of civil equality, creating a system of machinery to enforce it, prescribing pains and penalties to meet acts of violation, and appointing supervisors, deputy marshals and constables, backed by troops, to execute its provisions? Yet the average black man in Boston measures about the distance from the average black man in Alabama, which would be measured, if we could make a diagram by the intellectual territory separating Mr. Frederick Douglass from Mrs. Stowe's ingenious young friend, Miss Topsy St. Clair, and while he cuts no figure in the population of Boston, he is in an actual majority in many parts of Alabama.

If there be corruption in Southern elections, if there be a repression of the black vote, believe me, this is not the way to reach and reform it. Its only effect, if it can be made effectual, will be simply to transfer the corruption and its usufructs from one party to the other, leaving the real question as unsettled as ever. After all the excitement and turmoil incident to the unavoidable collision of races and the inevitable fomentation of sectional passion, we shall have to come back to where we now are. It is just as impossible to make a Southern negro a white man as it is to make a Northern white man a negro, though that is the miracle the Republican leaders are trying to work.

Dear friends, why can't you put yourselves in our place, consider the dreadful burden which this race problem imposes upon us, and, leaving the dead past to bury its dead, why don't you compel your politicians and your editors to treat us like fellow countrymen and fellow citizens, as we are, instead of treating us like rebels and traitors, which we are not? What interest is there of yours that we could harm, if we would, and what motive have we to set ourselves in opposition to any idea which you hold near to your business and bosoms?

I put it to you whether our Senators and Representatives in Congress, those

"Rebel Brigadiers" of whom you have heard so much, have lowered the standards of legislative integrity and public morality? If they have not, but on the contrary they have raised them, is it not time that the right-thinking people of New England should stop and ask their conscience what right they have and what they are to gain by the attempt to apply to the South that which they would not submit to themselves?

(An address before the Massachusetts Reform Club, September 26, 1890.)

The Problem of the Black Man.

By HENRY W. GRADY, of Georgia.

(Born 1851, died 1889.)

JEVER, sir, has such a task been given to mortal stewardship. Never before in this Republic has the white race divided on the rights of an alien race. The red man was cut down as a weed, because he hindered the way of the American citizen. The yellow man was shut out of this Republic because he is an alien and inferior. The red man was owner of the land - the yellow man highly civilized and assimilable but they hindered both sections and are gone! But the black man, affecting but one section, is clothed with every privilege of government and pinned to the soil, and my people commanded to make good at any hazard, and at any cost, his full and equal heirship of American privilege and prosperity. We do not shrink from this trial. It is so interwoven with our industrial fabric that we cannot disentangle it if we would-so bound up in our honorable obligation to the world, that we would not if we could. Can we solve it? The God who gave it into our hands, he alone can know. But this the weakest and wisest of us do know; we cannot solve it with less than your tolerant and patient sympathy with less than the knowledge that the blood that runs in your veins is our blood — and that, when we have done our best, whether the issue be lost or won, we shall feel your strong arms about us and hear the beating of your approving hearts!

The Temper of the South.

"The resolute, clear-headed, broad-minded men of the South - the men whose genius made glorious every page of the first seventy years of American history- whose courage and fortitude you tested in five years of the fiercest war, whose energy has made bricks without straw and spread splendor amid the ashes of their war-wasted homes these men wear this problem in their hearts and their brains, by day and by night. They realize, as you cannot, what this problem means. We need not go one step further unless you concede right here that the people I speak for are as honest, as sensible, and as just as your people, secking as earnestly as you would in their place, to rightly solve the