tary reform, were likely to be resisted, and conceded only to force but so far from being terrified at the prospect, they rather began to speculate upon the ulterior consequences of the conflict. What those consequences might be, the eventful tenth of August and twenty-first of September, seemed to develope. The first of those days dethroned the King of France, and the last of them made that country a republic. But this extraordinary change was far from disagreeable to men who had been republicans in theory ever since the establishment of American independence; or whose minds were now rapidly advancing towards the same principles, almost without their consciousness.

Irish enthusiasm was likewise raised to its highest pitch, by the rapid and surprising victories with which the French, after their first disasters, had signalised the war. Nor was it overawed by the fear of opposition; for the military force in the country was small, and the gentry of more liberal sentiments, but who had kept aloof from fear or shame, were beginning to flock round the popular standard.

Such were the auspicious circumstances under which the catholic committee assembled on the 3d of December, 1792, and its meeting could not but afford some matter for speculation. The body which had previously held its meetings in Dublin, under the same name, and with the privity and consent of government, though of no alarming appearance, either from its numbers or importance; and though during almost the whole of its time, religious prejudices seemed at least dormant, did not think proper to make itself an object of any notoriety; so that even its existence was nearly unknown to the greater part of the protestant community. Now, however, notwithstanding that civil war had been denounced by the ascendency, and the menace countenanced at least by men very high in the government of the country, or enjoying very lucrative places in the administration, this committee assembled with the utmost

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publicity:

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publicity and so imposing was its appearance from numbers and respectability, that its original title was soon merged in the more expressive appellation of THE CATHOLIC CONVENTION. To what was this change attributable? To the consciousness of strength which its constituents had acquired, by being repeatedly involved in political discussions; to the increasing liberality and firmness of the protestants who espoused their cause; but most peculiarly to the unequivocal and energetic support they derived from their former enemies, the Northern Dissenters, by many strong and explicit declarations, together with corresponding military preparations.

The most active northerns, who had the year before procured a petition from Belfast to parliament for a complete repeal of the whole popery code, now pressed upon those of the committee with whom they were in habits of communication, that it also should make the same extensive claim. If there had been any difference of opinion, the effectual co-operation which they had al ways given, would have added infinite weight to their advice. But in truth, the committee from the very outset seemed per, fectly disposed to assert all the rights infringed on by those laws.

It replied in a very dignified stile to the different corporation, county, and grand jury resolutions, by its vindication. Well knowing the authoritative influence which a royal recommendation would have on both legislative houses, it prepared a petition to the king, setting forth all the disabilities of the catholics; praying that he would recommend to his parliament of Ireland to take into consideration the whole of their situation; and expressing their wish to be restored to the rights and privileges of the constitution of their country.

The next question was, how this petition should be forwarded to England. Some were for transmitting it, in the ordinary

mode,

mode, through the viceroy; and this, government itself seemed very solicitous to procure. The measure was expressly solicited by Lord Donoughmore, who, with his family, had always espoused the catholic cause; and who was likewise among the most steady supporters of administration. He waited outside the Hall where the committee met, to know their determination: he was informed by order of the meeting, that if the Lord Lieutenant would promise to forward the petition, with a recommendation in its favour, it should be intrusted to him.Lord Donoughmore having carried this communication to the castle, and returned with an answer that his excellency could not in his official situation, pledge himself to the required recommendation; a remembrance of the hostile denunciations during the preceding summer-a suspicion of the manner in which they were excited, prevailed; and it was determined that the petition should be presented to the king himself, by deputies of the committee's own appointment. These were Messrs, Edward Byrne, John Keogh, James Edward Devereux, Christopher Bellew, and Sir Thomas French, Bart. They were accompanied by Mr. Tone, who, though a protestant, had in consequence of his very uncommon talents and exertions in the catholic cause, been appointed one of the secretaries to the committee, and the se, cretary to the delegation,

This committee was also remarkable for having as one of its members, a protestant and officer in the king's service, Major Edward Sweetman, returned by the county of Wexford, a place since accused of having manifested a spirit of bigotry and into lerance. The representative which it chose proved himself, however, every way worthy of the trust, by his firmness, liberality and splendid talents.

The delegates on their way through the North, were received at Belfast with the most marked affection. Their horses were taken from their carriages, and they were drawn through the

streets

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streets by a presbyterian populace, who wished to mark the sincerity with which they embraced the catholic cause.

The volunteer corps were at this time continuing to encrease and extend rapidly through the North. In Belfast, particularly, a very numerous town-meeting was held and attended by even the most moderate and opulent inhabitants. Resolutions were there passed, urging in the strongest manner a complete re-establishment of the volunteer institution, and determining to form a military fund.

While these things were going on, government seemed to be feeling its way, and hesitating whether it should concede or resist. Its measures accordingly often appeared experimental, embarrassed, and when compared together, the result of contradictory sentiments.

In con

A new military association was forming in Dublin, called the First National Battalion, which unequivocally avowed republican principles, by its emblematic device, a harp without a crown, surmounted by a cap of liberty. As republicanism had not then stricken deep root in the capital, this very avowal served exceedingly to discredit the corps and to prevent its increase. sequence therefore of a proclamation which appeared the 8th of December, and was well known to be directed against that body, under the vague description of seditious associations, it was never able to parade in public, because it was conscious of wanting public support. The proclamation not being generally supposed to allude to the old volunteers, they however still continued to assemble. At a meeeing of some of the Dublin corps on the 15th of December, thanks voted were to the United Irishmen of that city, for their address of the night before to the volunteers, calling upon them to resume their arms, stating the necessity of a reform in Parliament, pointing out the advantages that would accrue from a convention's meeting for that purpose, and suggest

ing

ing the propriety of calling provincial assemblies preparatory to the national meeting. As this address became a subject of criminal prosecution, the resolution of thanks gave great offence to government.

A publication having appeared in the Northern Star which was deemed libellous, an officer was sent down to arrest the printer and proprietors of that paper, then nineteen in number, and consisting of some of the most popular characters in the town. When the officer arrived there and saw the disposition of its inhabitants, he began to doubt the propriety of executing his warrant, and communicated his opinion to some of the friends of government on the spot, whose apprehensions rather corresponded with his own. In this state of indecision he remained for many days, waiting ulterior orders; when the nature of his commission having transpired, the proprietors informed the sovereign of the town that if the warrant was legal they would surrender themselves; but if it were otherwise they would forcibly resist its execution. He directly brought them the warrant to satisfy them of its legality, and they submitted to a voluntary arrest. On their arrival in Dublin, as if no opportunity were to be lost of marking the union of sects, they were attended to the chief justice's house by a numerous retinue of catholic gentlemen of the first importance, and every bail bond was jointly executed by a member of that religion and by a protestant.

The catholic delegates having presented their petition

1793.] at St. James's on the 2d January, the Lord Lieutenant in his speech from the throne on the 10th, communicated a particular recommendation from his Majesty to take into serious consideration the situation of his catholic subjects, and relying on the wisdom and liberality of his parliament. This recommendation seemed to work a rapid change of sentiment in many of those who had before brought forward the counties and grand juries to pledge their lives and fortunes against any

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