106. ADDRESSES, Utilizing.-Averse to receive addresses, yet unable to prevent them, I have generally endeavored to turn them to some account, by making them the occasion, of sowing useful truths and principles among the people, which might germinate and become rooted among their political tenets. To LEVI LINCOLN. iv, 427. FORD ED., viii, 129. (1802.)

107. ADJOURNMENT, Congress and. -A bill having passed both houses of Congress, and being now before the President, declaring that the seat of the Federal Government shall be transferred to the Potomac in the year 1790, that the sessions of Congress next ensuing the present shall be held in Philadelphia, to which place the offices shall be transferred before the 1st of December next, a writer in a public paper of July 13, has urged on the consideration of the President, that the Constitution has given to the two houses of Congress the exclusive right to adjourn themselves; that the will of the President mixed with theirs in a decision of this kind, would be an inoperative ingredient, repugnant to the Constitution, and that he ought not to permit them to part, in a single instance, with their constitutional rights; consequently, that he ought to negative the bill. That is now to be considered.

Every man, and every body of men on earth, possesses the right of self-government. They receive it with their being from the hand of nature. Individuals exercise it by their single will; collections of men by that of their majority; for the law of the majority is the natural law of every society of men. When a certain description of men are to transact together a particular business, the times and places of their meeting and separating, depend on their own will; they make a part of the natural right of self-government. This, like all other natural rights, may be abridged or modified in its exercise by their own consent, or by the law of those who depute them, if they meet in the right of others but as far as it is not abridged or modified, they retain it as a natural right, and may exercise it in what form they please, either exclusively by themselves. or in association with others, or by others altogether, as they shall agree.

Each house of Congress possesses this natural right of governing itself, and, consequently, of fixing its own times and places of meeting. so far as it has not been abridged by the law of those who employ them, that is to say, by the Constitution. This act manifestly considers them as possessing this right

Jefferson added a P. S. suggesting that Adams may have been looking to the sedition bill that had been spoken of. -EDITOR

of course, and, therefore, has nowhere given it to them. In the several different passages where it touches this right, it treats it as an existing thing, not as one called into existence by them. To evince this, every passage of the Constitution shall be quoted, where the right of adjournment is touched; and it will be seen that no one of them pretends to give that right; that, on the contrary, every one is evidently introduced either to enlarge the right where it would be too narrow, to restrain it where, in its natural and full exercise, it might be too large, and lead to inconvenience, to defend it from the latitude of its own phrases, where these were not meant to comprehend it, or to provide for its exercise by others, when they cannot exercise it themselves.

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'A majority of each house shall constitute a quorum to do business; but a smaller number may adjourn from day to day, and may be authorized to compel the attendance of absent members." Art. 1. Sec. 5. A majority of every collection of men being naturally necessary to constitute its will, and it being frequently to happen that a majority is not assembled, it was necessary to enlarge the a smaller numnatural right by giving to ber than a majority" a right to compel the attendance of the absent members, and, in the meantime, to adjourn from day to day. This clause, then, does not pretend to give a majority a right which it knew that majority would have of themselves, but to a number less than a majority, a right to which it knew that lesser number could not have of themselves.

to

Neither house, during the session of Congress, shall, without the consent of the other, adjourn for more than three days, nor to any other place than that in which the two houses shall be sitting." Ibid. Each house exercising separately its natural right to meet when and where it should think best, it might happen that the two houses would separate either in time or place, which would be inconvenient. It was necessary, therefore, to keep them together by restraining their natural right of deciding on separate times and places, and by requiring a concurrence of will.

But, as it might happen that obstinacy, or a difference of object, might prevent this concurrence, it goes on to take from them, in that instance, the right of adjournment altogether, and to transfer it to another, by declaring, Art. 2. Sec. 3, that "in case of disagreement between the two houses, with respect to the journ them to such time as he shall think time of adjournment, the President may adproper."

These clauses, then, do not import a gift, to the two houses, of a general right of adjournment, which it was known they would have without that gift, but to restrain or abrogate the right it was known they would have, in an instance where, exercised in its full extent, it might lead to inconvenience, and to give that right to another, who would not naturally have had it. It also gives to the President a right, which he otherwise would not have had, to convene both houses,

or either of them, on extraordinary occasions." Thus substituting the will of another, where they are not in a situation to exercise their own.

"Every order, resolution, or vote, to which the concurrence of the Senate and House of Representatives may be necessary (except on a question of adjournment), shall be presented to the President for his approbation, &c., Art. 1. Sec. 7. The latitude of the general words here used would have subjected the natural right of adjournment of the two houses to the will of the President, which was not intended. They, therefore, expressly "except questions of adjournment out of their operation. They do not here give a right of adjournment, which it was known would exist without their gift, but they defend the existing right against the latitude of their own phrases, in a case where there was no good reason to abridge it. The exception admits they will have the right of adjournment, without pointing out the source from which they will derive it.

"

These are all the passages of the Constitution (one only excepted, which shall be presently cited,) where the right of adjournment is touched; and it is evident that none of these are introduced to give that right; but every one supposes it to be existing, and provides some specific modification for cases where either defeat in the natural right, or a too full use of it, would occasion inconvenience.

The right of adjournment, then, is not given by the Constitution, and consequently it may be modified by law without interfering with that instrument. It is a natural right, and, like all other natural rights, may be abridged or regulated in its exercise by law and the concurrence of the third branch in any law regulating its exercise is so efficient an ingredient in that law, that the right cannot be otherwise exercised but after a repeal by a new law. The express terms of the Constitution itself show that this right may be modified by law, when, in Art. 1. Sec. 4. (the only remaining passage on the subject not yet quoted) it says, "The Congress shall assemble at least once in every year, and such meeting shall be the first Monday in December, unless they shall, by law, appoint a different day." Then another day may be appointed by law; and the President's assent is an efficient ingredient in that law. Nav. further, they cannot adjourn over the first Monday of December but by a law. This is another constitutional abridgment of their natural right of adjournment; and completing our review of all the clauses in the Constitution which touch that right, authorizes us to say no part of that instrument gives it; and that the houses hold it, not from the Constitution, but from nature.

A consequence of this is, that the houses may, by a joint resolution, remove themselves from place to place, because it is a part of their right of self-government; but that as the right of self-government does not comprehend the government of others, the two houses cannot, by a joint resolution of their

majorities only, remove the Executive and Judiciary from place to place. These branches possessing, also, the rights of self-government from nature, cannot be controlled in the exercise of them but by a law, passed in the forms of the Constitution The clause of the bill in question, therefore, was necessary to be put into the form of a law, and to be submitted to the President, so far as it proposes to effect the removal of the Executive and Judiciary to Philadelphia. So far as respects the removal of the present houses of legislation thither, it was not necessary to be submitted to the President; but such a submission is not repugnant to the Constitution. On the contrary, if he concurs, it will so far fix the next session of Congress at Philadelphia that it cannot be changed but by a regular law.

The sense of Congress itself is always respectable authority. It has been given very remarkably on the present subject. The address to the President in the paper of the 13th, is a complete digest of all the arguments urged on the floor of the Representatives against the constitutionality of the bill now before the President; and they were overruled by a majority of that house, comprehending the delegation of all the States south of the Hudson, except South Carolina. At the last session of Congress, when the bill for remaining a certain term at New York, and then removing to Susquehanna, or Germantown, was objected to on the same ground, the objection was overruled by a majority comprehending the delegations of the northern half of the Union with that of South Carolina. So that the sense of every State in the Union has been expressed, by its delegation, against this objection, South Carolina excepted, and excepting also Rhode Island, which has never yet had a delegation in place to vote on the question. In both these instances, the Senate concurred with the majority of the Representatives. The sense of the two houses is stronger authority in this case, as it is given against their own supposed privilege.

It would be as tedious, as it is unnecessary, to take up and discuss one by one, the objects proposed in the paper of July 13. Every one of them is founded on the supposition that the two houses hold their right of adjournment from the Constitution. This error being corrected, the objections founded on it fall of themselves.

It would also be work of mere supererogation to show that, granting what this writer takes for granted, (that the President's assent would be an inoperative ingredient, because excluded by the Constitution, as he says.) yet the particular views of the writer would be frustrated, for on every hypothesis of what the President may do, Congress must go to Philadelphia. 1. If he assents to the bill, that assent makes good law of the part relative to the Potomac; and the part for holding the next session at Philadelphia is good, either as an ordinance, or a vote of the two houses, containing a complete declaration of their will in a case where it is competent to

law. To W. H. CABELL. v, 162. FORD ED., ix, 96. (M., 1807.) See ERROR.

121. ADMINISTRATION, Foreign Policy. In the transaction of your foreign affairs, we have endeavored to cultivate the friendship of all nations, and especially of those with which we have the most important relations. We have done them justice on all occasions, favored where favor was lawful, and cherished mutual interests and intercourse on fair and equal terms. We are firmly convinced, and we act on that conviction, that with nations, as with individuals, our interests soundly calculated, will ever be found inseparable from our moral duties; and history bears witness to the fact, that a just nation is taken on its word, when recourse is had to armaments and wars to bridle others.-SECOND INAUGURAL ADDRESS. viii, 40. FORD ED., viii, 343. (1805.)

122. ADMINISTRATION, Formalities and.—The necessity of these abridgments of formalities in our present, distant situations requires that I should particularly suggest to you the expediency of desiring General Knox to communicate to the foreign ministers himself directly any matters relative to the interpositions of his department through the governors. For him to send these to me from Boston to this place [Monticello] merely that I may send them back to the ministers at Philadelphia or New York, might be an injurious delay of business.-TO PRESIDENT WASHINGTON. FORD ED., vi, 435. (M., Oct. 1793.)

See FORMALITIES.

123. ADMINISTRATION, Fundamental Principles.-To cultivate peace and maintain commerce and navigation in all their lawful enterprises; to foster our fisheries and nurseries of navigation and for the nurture of man, and protect the manufactures adapted to our circumstances; to preserve the faith of the nation by an exact discharge of its debts and contracts, expending the public money with the same care and economy we would practice with our own, and impose on our citizens no unnecessary burden; to keep in all things within the pale of our constitutional Dowers, and cherish the Federal Union as the

only rock of our safety-these are the landmarks by which we are to guide ourselves in all our proceedings. By continuing to make these our rule of action, we shall endear to our countrymen the true principles of their Constitution, and promote a union of sentiment and of action equally auspicious to their happiness and safety.-SECOND ANNUAL MESSAGE. viii, 21. FORD ED., viii, 186. (1802.) See INAUGURAL ADDRESSES, APPENDIX.

125.

That all should be satisfied with any one order of things is not to be expected, but I indulge the pleasing persuasion that the great body of our citizens will which have for their object to preserve the concur in honest and disinterested efforts, General and State governments in their constitutional form and equilibrium; to maintain peace abroad and order and obedience to the laws at home; to establish principles and practices of administration favorable to the security of liberty and prosperity, and to reuseful purposes of government.-FIRST Anduce expenses to what is necessary for the NUAL MESSAGE. viii, 15. FORD ED., viii, 125. (Dec. 1801.)

126.

Believing that (excepting the ardent monarchists) all our citizens agreed in ancient whig principles, I thought it advisable to define and declare them, and let them see the ground on which we could rally. And the fact proving to be so, that they agree in these principles, I shall pursue them with more encouragement.-To GENERAL HENRY KNOX. iv, 386. FORD ED., viii, 36. (W., March 1801.)

127. ADMINISTRATION, Good Republican.-A good administration in a republican government, securing to us our dearest rights, and the practical enjoyment of all our liberties, can never fail to give consolation to the friends of free government, and mortification to its enemies.-R. TO A. RHODE ISLAND REPUBLICANS. viii, 162. (1809.)

128. ADMINISTRATION, Harmonious.-That there is only one minister who is not opposed to me, is totally unfounded. There never was a more harmonious, a more cordial administration, nor ever a moment when it has been otherwise. And while differences of opinion have been always rare among us, I can affirm, that as to present matters, there was not a single paragraph in my message to Congress, or those supplementary to it, in which there was not a unanimity of concurrence in the members of the administration.-To WILLIAM DUANE. iv, 591. FORD ED., viii, 432. (W., March 1806.)

129. ADMINISTRATION, and.-On every question the lawyers are Hesitancy about equally divided, and were we to act but in cases where no contrary opinion of a lawyer can be had, we should never act.-To ALBERT GALLATIN. v, 369. (M., 1898.)

130. ADMINISTRATION, Honest.The measures of my administration *** have been pursued with honest intentions, unbiased by any personal or interested views.R. TO A. WILMINGTON CITIZENS. viii, 149. (1809.)

131. ADMINISTRATION, Indebted.-I do not mean, fellow citizens, to arrogate to myself the merit of the measures [of the administration]; that is due, in the first place, to the reflecting character of our citizens at large, who, by the weight of public opinion, influence and strengthen the public measures; it is due to the sound discretion with which