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prevent an election in Congress, and to transfer the government by an act to the C. J. (Jay) or Secretary of State, or to let it devolve on the President pro tem. of the Senate, till next December, which gives them another year's predominance, and the chances of future events. To TENCH COXE. iv, 345. FORD ED., vii, 475. (W., Dec. 1800.)

2490.

If the federalists could have been permitted to pass a law for putting the government into the hands of an officer, they would certainly have prevented an election. But we thought it best to declare openly and firmly, one and all, that the day such an act passed, the middle States would arm, and that no such usurpation, even for a single day, should be submitted to. This first shook them; and they were completely alarmed at the resource for which we declared, to wit, a convention to reorganize the Government and to amend it. The very word "convention" gives them the horrors, as in the present democratical spirit of America. they fear they should lose some of the favorite morsels of the Constitution.-To JAMES MONROE. iv, 354. FORD ED., vii, 490. (W., Feb. 1801.)

2491. ELECTIONS (Presidential, 1800), The Republic and.-The storm [Presidential election] we have passed through proves our vessel indestructible.-To M. DE LAFAYETTE. iv, 363. (W., March 1801.)

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2493. The late chapter of our history furnishes a lesson to man perfectly The times have been awful, but they have proved an useful truth, that the good citizen must never despair of the commonwealth. How many good men abandoned the deck, and gave up the vessel as lost.-To NATHANIEL NILES. iv, 376. FORD ED., viii, 24. (W., March 1801.)

2494. ELECTIONS (Presidential, 1800), Republicans and.-The republicans propose to press forward to an election. If they fail in this, a concert between the two higher candidates may prevent the dissolution of the government and danger of anarchy, by an operation, bungling indeed and imperfect, but better than letting the Legislature take the nomination of the Executive entirely from the people. To TENCH COXE. iv, 345. FORD ED., vii, 475. (W., Dec. 1800.)

2495. ELECTIONS (Presidential, 1800), Usurpation and. In the event of an usurpation, I was decidedly with those who were determined not to permit it. Because that precedent once set, would be artificially reproduced, and end soon in a dictator. Virginia was bristling up, I believe. I shall know the particulars from Governor Monroe, whom I expect to meet in a short visit I must make home. TO THOMAS MCKEAN. iv, 369. viii, 12. (W., March 1801.)

FORD ED.,

2496. ELECTIONS (Presidential, 1804), Appeal to country.-The abominable slanders of my political enemies have obliged me to call for that verdict [on my conduct] from my country in the only way it can be obtained, and if obtained, it will be my sufficient voucher to the rest of the world and to posterity, and leave me free to seek, at a definite time,

the repose I sincerely wished to have retired to now. I suffer myself to make no inquiries as to the persons who are to be placed on the rolls of competition for the public favor. Respect for myself, as well as for the public, requires that I should be the silent and passive subject of their consideration.-To THOMAS MCKEAN. FORD ED., viii, 293. (W., Jan. 1804.)

2497. ELECTIONS (Presidential, 1804), Non-Interference with.-[I said to Colonel Burr] that in the election now coming on, I was observing the same conduct [as in 1800]; held no councils with anybody respecting it. nor suffered anyone to speak to me on the subject, believing it my duty to leave myself to the free discussion of the public; that I do not at this moment know, nor have ever heard, who were to be proposed as candidates for the public choice, except so far as could be gathered from the newspapers.-THE ANAS. ix, 205. FORD ED., i, 302. (January 1804.)

2498.

I never interfered directly or indirectly, with my friends or any others, to influence the election either for him [Aaron Burr] or myself. I considered it as Virginia I had taken some measures to procure my duty to be merely passive, except that in for him the unanimous vote of that State, because I thought any failure there might be imputed to me.-THE ANAS. ix, 205. FORD ED., i, 302. (1804.)

2499. ELECTIONS (Presidential, 1808), Neutrality of Jefferson.-I see with infinite grief a contest arising between yourself and another, who have been very dear to each other, and equally so to me. I sincerely pray that these dispositions may not be affected bewill not. tween you; with me I confidently trust they public duty, which prescribe neutrality to me, For independently of the dictates of my sincere friendship for you both will ensure its sacred observance. I suffer no one to converse with me on the subject. I already perceive my old friend Clinton, estranging himself from me. No doubt lies are carried to him, as they will be to the other two candidates, under forms which, however false, he can scarcely question. Yet, I have been equally careful as to him also, never to say a word on this subject. The object of the contest is a fair and honorable one, equally open to you all: and I have no doubt the personal conduct of all will be so chaste, as to offer no ground of dissatisfaction with each other. But your friends will not be as delicate. I know too well from experience the progress of political controversy, and the exacerbation of spirit into which it degenerates, not to fear the continuance of your mutual esteem. One piquing thing said draws on another, that a third, and always with increasing acrimony, until all restraint is thrown off, and it becomes difficult for yourselves to keep clear of the toils in which your friends will endeavor to interlace you, and to avoid the participation in their passions which they will endeavor to produce. A candid recollection of what you know of each other will be the true corrective. With respect to myself, I hope they will spare me. My longings for retirement are daily drudgeries of my duty. so strong, that I with difficulty encounter the But my wish for retirement itself is not stronger than that of carrying into it the affections of all my friends. I have ever viewed Mr. Madison and yourself as two principal pillars of my happiness. Were either to be withdrawn, I should consider it as among the greatest calamities which could assail my future peace of mind. I have great con

fidence that the candor and high understanding of both will guard me against this misfortune, the bare possibility of which has so far weighed on my mind, that I could not be easy without unburthening it.-To JAMES MONROE. v, 247. FORD ED., ix, 177. (W., Feb. 1808.)

2500. In the present contest in which you are concerned I feel no passion, I take no part, I express no sentiment. Whichever of my friends is called to the supreme cares of the nation, I know that they will be wisely and faithfully administered, and as far as my individual conduct can influence, they shall be cordially supported.-To JAMES MONROE. v, 255. (March 1808.)

2501.

The Presidential question is clearly up daily, and the opposition subsiding. It is very possible that the suffrage of the nation may be undivided. But with this question it is my duty not to intermeddle.-To MERIWETHER LEWIS. v, 321. FORD ED., (W., July 1808.)

200.

ix,

2502. ELECTIONS (Presidential, 1816), Good Feeling in.-I have been charmed to see that a Presidential election now produces scarcely any agitation. On Mr. Madison's election there was little, on Monroe's all but none. In Mr. Adams's time and mine, parties were so nearly balanced as to make the struggle fearful

for our peace.

But since the decided ascendency of the republican body, federalism has looked on with silent but unresisting anguish. In the middle, southern and western States, it is as low as it ever can be; for nature has made some men monarchists and tories by their constitution, and some, of course, there always will be. To ALBERT GALLATIN. vii, 80. FORD ED., X, 92. (M., 1817.)

2503. ELECTIONS (Presidential, 1824), Constitutional Construction and.-I hope the choice [of the next. President] will fall on some real republican, who will continue the administration on the express principles of the Constitution, unadulterated by constructions reducing it to a blank to be filled with what everyone pleases, and what never was intended. To SAMUEL H. SMITH. FORD ED., x, 264. (M., Dec. 1823.)

2504. On the question of the next Presidential election, I am a mere lookeron. I never permit myself to express an opinion, or to feel a wish on the subject. I indulge a single hope only, that the choice may fall on one who will be a friend of peace, of economy, of the republican principles of our Constitution, and of the salutary distribution of powers made by that between the general and the local governments.-TO SAMUEL SMITH. vii, 286. FORD ED., X, 253. (M., 1823.)

2505. ELECTIONS (Presidential, 1824), Lafayette's visit and.-The eclat of Lafayette's visit has almost merged the Presidential question on which nothing scarcely is said in our papers. That question will lie ultimately between Crawford and Adams; but, at the same time, the vote of the people will be so distracted by subordinate candidates, that possibly they may make no election, and let it go to the House of Representatives. There, it is thought. Crawford's chance is best.-To RICHARD RUSH. vii, 380. FORD ED., X, 322. (M., October 1824.)

2506. ELECTIONS (Presidential, 1824), Militarism and.-This Presidential election has given me few anxieties. With you this

must have been impossible, independently of the question, whether we are at last to end our days under a civil or a military government.-To JOHN ADAMS. vii, 387. (M., 1825.)

2507. ELECTIONS (Presidential, 1824), Passiveness of Jefferson.-In the Presidential election I am entirely passive. *** Both favorites are republican, both will administer the government honestly.-TO THOMAS LEIPER. FORD ED., x, 299. (M., 1824.)

2508. ELECTIONS (Presidential, 1824), Sectionalism in.-Who is to be the next President? *** The question will be ultimately reduced to the northernmost and southfederal vote in the Union, and many repub ernmost candidate. The former will get every licans; the latter, all of those denominated of the old school; for you are not to believe that these two parties are amalgamated, that the lion and the lamb are lying down together.-To vii, 325. MARQUIS LAfayette. FORD ED., X, (M., 1823.) ELECTORAL COLLEGE.-See PRESI

280.

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2510. ELOQUENCE, Models of.-In a country and government like ours, eloquence is special pursuit of our youth. Models, indeed, a powerful instrument, well worthy of the of chaste and classical oratory are truly too rare with us; nor do I recollect any remarkable in England. Among the ancients the most perfect specimens are perhaps to be found in brevity constitute perfection itself for an auLivy, Sallust and Tacitus. Their pith and dience of sages, on whom froth and fancy would be lost in air. But in ordinary cases, and with us particularly, more development is necessary. For senatorial eloquence, Demosthenes is the finest model; for the bar, Cicero. The former had more logic, the latter more

imagination. Of the eloquence of the pen, we have fine samples in English. Robertson, Sterne, Addison, are of the first merit in the different characters of composition. Hume, in the circumstance of style, is equal to any; but his tory principles spread a cloud over his many and great excellences. The charms of his style and matter have made tories of all England, and doubtful republicans here.-To G. W. SUMMERS. vii, 231. (M., 1822.)

EMANCIPATION.-See COLONIES,

SLAVERY.

2511. EMBARGO, Action advised.-The commu. ications * now made [to Congress] showing the great and increasing dangers with which our vessels, our seamen, and merchandise, are threatened on the high seas, and elsewhere, from the belligerent powers of Europe, and it being of great importance to keep in

*The decrees of the French government of November 21, 1806, and of Spain, February 10, 1807, with the orders of the British government of January and November, 1807.-EDITOR.

safety these essential resources, I deem it my duty to recommend the subject to the consideration of Congress, who will doubtless perceive all the advantages which may be expected from an inhibition of the departure of our vessels from the ports of the United States. Their wisdom will also see the necessity of making every preparation for whatever events may grow out of the present crisis.-SPECIAL MESSAGE. viii, 89. FORD ED., ix, 169. 18, 1807.) 2512.

(Dec.

Although the decree of the French government of November 21 [1807] comprehended, in its literal terms, the commerce of the United States, yet the prompt explanation by one of the ministers of that government that it was not so understood, and that our treaty would be respected, the practice which took place in the French ports conformably with that explanation, and the recent interference of that government to procure in Spain a similar construction of a similar decree there, had given well-founded expectation that it would not be extended to us; and this was much strengthened by the consideration of their obvious interests. But the information from our minister at Paris * * is, that it is determined to extend the effect of that decree to us; and it is probable that Spain and the other Atlantic and Mediterranean States of Europe will cooperate in the same measure. The British regulations had before reduced us to a direct voyage to a single port of their enemies, and it is now believed they will interdict all commerce whatever with them. A proclamation, too, of that government (not officially. indeed, communicated to us, yet so given out to the public as to become a rule of action with them) seems to have shut the door on all negotiation with us, except as to the single aggression on the Chesapeake. The sum of these mutual enterprises on our national rights is that France, and her allies, reserving for further consideration the prohibiting our carrying anything to the British territories, have virtually done it, by restraining our bringing a return cargo from them; and Great Britain, after prohibiting a great proportion of our commerce with France and her allies, is now believed to have prohibited the whole. The whole world is thus laid under interdict by these two nations, and our vessels, their cargoes and crews, are to be taken by the one or the other, for whatever place they may be destined, out of our own limits. If, therefore, on leaving our harbors we are certainly to lose them. is it not better, as to vessels, cargoes, and seamen, to keep them at home? This is submitted to the wisdom of Congress, who alone are competent to provide a remedy.-To JOHN MASON. V, 217. (Dec. 1807.)

2513. These decrees and orders,* taken together, want little of amounting to a declaration that every neutral vessel found on the high seas, whatsoever be her cargo, and whatsoever foreign port be that of her departure or destination, shall be deemed lawfal prize; and they prove, more and more, the expediency of retaining our vessels, our seamen, and property, within our own harbors, until the dangers to which they are exposed can be removed or lessened.-SPECIAL MESSAGE. viii, 100. FORD ED., ix, 185. (March 1808.)

Jefferson sent with this message an additional decree of Bonaparte, dated December 17, 1807, and a similar decree of the King of Spain, dated January 3, 1808.-EDITOR.

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2515. Could the alternative of war, or the Embargo, have been presented to the whole nation, as it occurred to their representatives, there could have been but the one opinion that it was better to take the chance of one year by the Embargo, within which the orders and decrees producing it may be repealed, or peace take place in Europe, which may secure peace to us.-TO BENJAMIN SMITH. v, 293. FORD ED., ix, 194. (M., May 1808.) 2516.

All regard to the rights of others having been thrown aside, the belligerent powers have beset the highway of commercial intercourse with edicts which, taken together. expose our commerce and mariners, under almost every destination, a prey to their fleets and armies. Each party, indeed, would admit our commerce with themselves, with a view of associating us in their war against the other. But we have wished war with neither. Under these circumstances were passed the laws of which you complain, by those delegated to exercise the powers of legislation for you, with every sympathy of a common interest in exercising them faithfully. In reviewing these measures, therefore, we should advert to the difficulties out of which a choice was of necessity to be made. To have submitted our rightful commerce to prohibitions and tributary exactions from others, would have been to surrender our independence. To resist them by armies was war, without consulting the state of things or the choice of the nation. The alternative preferred by the Legislature of suspending a commerce placed under such unexampled difficulties, besides saving to our citizens their property, and our mariners to their country, has the peculiar advantage of giving time to the belligerent nations to revise a conduct as contrary to their interests as it is to our rights.-REPLY TO A BOSTON REPEAL REQUEST. viii, 134. (Aug. 1808.)

2517. We have to choose bebetween the alternatives of Embargo and war. There is indeed one and only one other, that is submission and tribute. For all the federal propositions for trading to the places permitted by the edicts of the belligerents, result in fact in submission, although they do not choose to pronounce the naked word.-To MR. v, 384. (W., Nov. 1808.)

LETUE.

2518. The measures respecting our intercourse with foreign nations were the result of a choice between two evils, either to call and keep at home our seamen and property, or suffer them to be taken under the edicts of the belligerent powers. How a difference of opinion could arise between these alternatives is still difficult to explain on any acknowledged ground; and I am persuaded that when the storm and agitation characterizing the present

"The Embargo," says Morse in his Life of Jefferson, "was a civilized policy, worthy of respect. Moreover, it was a sensible policy. Jefferson alone understood in that time the truth, which is now more generally appreciated, that by sheer growth in population, wealth and industry, a nation gains the highest degree of substantial power and authority. -EDITOR.

That the Embargo is ap

proved by the body of republicans through the Union, cannot be doubted. It is equally known that a great proportion of the federalists approve of it; but as they think it an engine which may be used advantageously against the republican system, they countenance the clamors against it.-To D. C. BRENT. v, 305. (W., June 1808.)

prejudice shall have yielded to reason its 2524.
usurped place, and especially when posterity
shall pass its sentence on the present times,
justice will be rendered to the course which has
been pursued. To the advantages derived from
the choice which was made will be added the
improvements and discoveries made and ma-
king in the arts, and the establishments in do-
mestic manufacture, the effects whereof will
be permanent and diffused through our wide-
extended continent.-R. TO A. MARYLAND CITI-
ZENS. viii, 164. (1809.)

2519. EMBARGO, Amendments to law. -If, on considering the doubts I shall suggest, you shall still think your draft of a supplementary Embargo law sufficient, in its present form, I shall be satisfied. 1. Is not the first paragraph against the Constitution, which says no preference shall be given to the ports of one State over those of another? You might put down those ports as ports of entry, if that could be made to do. 2. Could not your second paragraph be made to answer by making it say, that no clearance shall be furnished to any vessel laden with provisions or lumber, to go from one port to another of the United States, without special permission, &c. In that case, we might lay down rules for the necessary removal of provisions and lumber, inland, which should give no trouble to the citizens, but refuse licenses for all coasting transportation of those articles but on such applications from a Governor as may ensure us against any exportation but for the consumption of his State. Portsmouth, Boston, Charleston, and Savannah, are the only ports which cannot be supplied inland. I should like to prohibit collections, also, made evidently for clandestine importation. 3. I would rather strike out the words, in conformity with treaty," in order to avoid any express recognition at this day of that article of the British treaty. It has been so flagrantly abused as to excite the Indians to war against us, that I should have no hesitation in declaring it null, as soon as we see means of supplying the Indians ourselves. I should have no objections to extend the exception to the Indian furs purchased by our traders and sent into Canada.-To ALBERT GALLATIN. v, 267. FORD ED., ix, 189. (W., March 1808.)

2520. EMBARGO, Approval of.-It is a circumstance of great satisfaction that the proceedings of the government are approved by the respectable Legislature of Massachusetts, and especially the late important measure of the Embargo. The hearty concurrence of the States in that measure, will have a great effect in Europe.-To JAMES SULLIVAN. V, 252. (W., March 1808.)

2521.

our

Through the body of

our

country generally citizens appear heartily to approve and support the Embargo. -To BENJ. SMITH. v, 294. FORD ED., ix, 195. (M., May 1808.)

2522. I see with satisfaction that this measure of self-denial is approved and supported by the great body of our real citizens, that they meet with cheerfulness the temporary privations it occasions.-R. TO A. NEW HAMPSHIRE LEGISLATURE. viii, 131. (1808.)

2523. The Embargo appears to be approved, even by the federalists of every quarter except yours. [Massachusetts.] To LEVI LINCOLN. v, 265. (W., March 1808.)

*

2525.

While the opposition to

the late laws of Embargo has in one quarter amounted almost to rebellion and treason, it is pleasing to know that all the rest of the nation has approved of the proceedings of the constituted authorities. The steady union * * of our fellow citizens of South Carolina, is entirely in their character. They have never failed in fidelity to their country and the republican spirit of the Constitution. Never before was that union more needed or more salutary than under our present crisis.To MR. Letue. v, 384. (W., Nov. 1808.)

* * *

sus

2526. EMBARGO, Authority to pend. The decrees and orders of the belligerent nations having amounted nearly to declarations that they would take our vessels wherever found, Congress thought it best, in the first instance, to break off all intercourse with them. They passed an act authorizing me to suspend the Embargo whenever the belligerents should revoke their decrees or orders as to us. The Embargo must continue, therefore, till they meet again in November, unless the measures of the belligerents should change. When they meet again, if these decrees and orders still continue, the question which they will have to decide will be, whether a continuance of the Embargo or war will be preferable.-To WILLIAM LYMAN. v, 279. (W., April 1808.)

2527.

If they repeal their orders, we must repeal our Embargo. If they make satisfaction for the Chesapeake, we must revoke our proclamation and generalize its If they keep up impressoperation by a law. ments, we must adhere to non-intercourse, manufacturer's and a navigation act.-To JAMES MADISON. v, 361. FORD ED., ix, 208. (M., Sep. 1808.)

2528. EMBARGO, Averts war.-The immediate danger * * * of a rupture with England, is postponed for this year. This is effected by the Embargo, as the question was simply between that and war.-To CHARLES PINCKNEY. v, 266. (W., March 1808.)

saves

2529. The Embargo, keeping at home our vessels, cargoes and seamen, us the necessity of making their capture_the cause of immediate war; for, if going to England, France had determined to take them, if to any other place, England was to take them. Till they return to some sense of moral duty, therefore, we keep within ourselves. This gives time. Time may produce peace in Europe; peace in Europe removes all causes of difference, till another European war; and by that time our debt may be paid, our revenues clear, and our strength increased.-To JOHN TAYLOR. v, 227. (W., Jan. 1808.)

2530. EMBARGO, Belligerent Powers and.-I take it to be an universal opinion that war will become preferable to a continuance

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From the fresco painting by Brumidi. It was painted at the time Jefferson was Secretary of State on the wall in the President's room of the United States Capitol. Brumidi, the artist, is renowned for his fine figure fresco work. Specimens of his art are to be found in many of the rooms, corridors, and halls of the United States Capitol.

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