notwithstanding the official suppression of sati, the legalization of the marriage of widows is practically a dead letter, because of the failure of Hindu public opinion to sanction or respond to the spirit and aim of the enactment. The same may be said of the effort to regulate the question of child marriage and the age of consent, and to guarantee entire religious liberty throughout Indian society. The attempt to inaugurate sanitary measures has often failed, by reason of the unconquerable prejudice of the native populations, as was illustrated recently in connection with the plague at Hong Kong, and to a lesser degree in India. Such objectionable customs as foot-binding are almost beyond the reach of legislation, unless some radical change of public sentiment shall secure coöperation on the part of native society.

A study of the colonial policy of France, Germany, Italy, Spain, and Portugal reveals the strange indifference of these nations to the moral and social welfare of their foreign constituencies. On the contrary, national ambition, commercial advantage, political expediency, and reckless disregard of the moral responsibilities involved in colonial enterprise, mark to a deplorable extent the history of European contact with and government of inferior races. In a chapter entitled "A Study of French Colonial Administration," in his recent volume, “The Peoples and Politics of the Far East," Mr. Henry Norman presents many instructive and significant facts bearing upon this subject. The history of French aggressions in Siam, Algeria, and Madagascar supplements by facts of a similar tenor what is said there. The story of European protectorates in Africa is yet in its earliest chapter, but there are even now startling anomalies of administration and legislation, which dim somewhat the otherwise brilliant outlook for African progress.2

No doubt Providence uses human government as a preparation for the advances of His kingdom. Rome was an instrument to accomplish

"

a work of great value in preparing the world for The historic dignity of the advent of Christianity; so the British rule in the "Pax Britannica India will be used by Providence to facilitate the in the development of progress of Christianity in that vast realm. The

India.

"Pax Britannica" will no doubt occupy a place of historic honor in the religious and social history of India, equal, if not superior, to that

1 For an historical summary of the darker features of European colonial contact with inferior races, see Warneck, “Missions and Culture,” pp. 239–306.

2 See an article on "German Policy in Central Africa," in The New Review, February, 1897, for a searching exposé of the spirit and practice of German administration in East Africa. Cf. also article in The Saturday Review, January 30, 1897, p. 106.

which has long been accorded to the "Pax Romana" as a preparation for Christianity. The noble part to be taken by British rule over a united India, in anticipation of the development of an Indian Christendom, is as yet but faintly realized. The preparatory and cooperating external instrumentalities would be of little value, however, were the majestic spiritual forces of missionary enterprise lacking. The true, ideal status in this connection is a hearty, sympathetic, and mutually respectful coöperation between the legislative forces of Christian government and the spiritual and moral energies of Christian missions. Missions, on their part, may be greatly facilitated and aided by a generous and sympathetic government policy. Government, on the other hand, may be helped where it is weakest by the moral backing and spiritual inspiration that can come alone through Christian teaching and living. Notable utterances on the part of distinguished Christian officials in the colonial service of England could be quoted in advocacy of this policy of coöperation and mutual support.1

1 At a missionary meeting in Brisbane, Australia, Sir W. Macgregor, the Administrator of British New Guinea, referred to mission work in substance as follows: "He had been several times asked since he had been in Brisbane if the missionaries did any good among the natives. The question surprised him, but he had no hesitation in answering it. His mind was perfectly clear on the subject, and he looked on missionaries as being absolutely indispensable in a country like New Guinea. In a new country like Fiji or New Guinea secular education was entirely in the hands of the missionaries. The Government of Fiji or the Government of New Guinea could do nothing in that direction. In his judgment, the work which the Wesleyan missionaries had done in Fiji in the way of education was perhaps greater than their wonderful work in converting the natives. But apart altogether from the question of secular education, he had no doubt whatever that good government and order would never be permanently established unless they had Christianity as their basis. He wanted to see order established in New Guinea on the basis of Christianity, and he knew it would then survive him. That could only be brought about with the assistance of the missionary societies."-Quoted in Work and Workers in the Mission Field, July, 1892, p. 101.

Sir Charles Elliott, when Lieutenant-Governor of Bengal, expressed his judg ment as to the value of missions as a coöperative agency in the realization of the highest aims of Christian government in India, in the following memorable language: "The point that I would insist on to-day is this: that, whether successful or not, the work of offering Christianity to the people is one that ought to be persevered in, since without that we should fail to utilise one large section of the influence which the European ought to have on the Asiatic mind. I hold that it is the part of missions to carry on and complete the work which England is placed here by Providence to effect, and which would be imperfect without them. The Government of India can do much; if it could not, we who are its servants could not feel the pride and enthusiasm with which we serve it. . . . It can bestow education on the masses, and can even offer, with a doubtful and hesitating hand, a maimed and

IV

Is patriotism a safe watchword of social reform ?

Patriotism is not a competent or trustworthy guide in social reform. As regards morality, wisdom, and practical insight, it may be utterly misleading, spurious, and superficial. It has no moral guarantee and no proper standard of intelligence. It may be simply a reflection of the existing status, and represent only a blind and prejudiced adherence to opinions and customs in themselves objectionable and injurious. It cannot alone be safely trusted to promote the welfare, happiness, and progress of society.

It is true that enlightened, unselfish, and high-toned patriotism, under the culture of intelligence and Christianity, is a beautiful and commendable trait which has had an inspiring mission in the world. Often has such been fruitful in heroism, self-sacrifice, and high devotion to the welfare of humanity. There is, however, a false and sinister patriotism which may work only disaster and prove a hindrance to true progress. It may be narrow and clannish, and at times only another name for lism. feudalism. It may be inspired with military ambition and the desire

of conquest. It may act hastily, thoughtlessly, imprudently, under the unsafe stimulus of pride or national conceit, or swayed by the stormy impulses of passion. It may be so destitute of moral discrimination as to advocate, defend, and promote outworn traditions and serious social evils simply because they exist and have been characteristic of past national history. It may become so identified with a false religious system as to seek the promotion of a socially debasing cult and to limit religion within national lines. Even at its best it is rarely, if ever, an advocate of moral and religious change, but rather seeks to solidify and perpetuate existing religious beliefs. It is usually regarded among nonChristian nationalities as unpatriotic to embrace a new religious faith. This is especially true in Japan, where patriotism, or an intense national

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cold code of morals. But it can go no further, and there its influence stops.
sider what a vast hiatus this stoppage implies. Government cannot bestow on the
people that which gives to life its colour and to love of duty its noblest incentive; it
cannot offer the highest morality, fortified by the example of the Divinely Perfect
Life. It is here that the missionary steps in to supplement the work of the official.

I make bold to say that if missions did not exist, it would be our duty to invent them."-Quoted in The Church Missionary Intelligencer, April, 1894, pp. 249, 250.