was able to propose and to direct. (The combat of Ordal was one of these occasions.) But during this long warfare, I am sorry to say that there were but few general operations in which the British army had not the best of it. The reason was obvious. We almost invariably attacked our adversaries, without the slightest reference to past experience, in a manner which generally succeeded against the Spaniards and which generally failed against the English.

They habitually occupied a well-chosen defensive position, with a certain elevation of ground, showing only a portion of their strength. The cannonade began. Then, in hot haste, without waiting to study the position, or see how it could be turned, on we rushed to take the bull by the horns. At about a thousand metres from the British line, our soldiers began to talk, and hurried forwards with a slight degree of confusion. The English, silent, arms grounded, looked in their impassible steadiness, like a long red wall, which had a good deal of effect on our youngsters. The distance became less. The troops began to cry "Vive l'Empereur! En avant à la baionnette," and to wave their caps on their muskets. The march became a run; the ranks were somewhat broken; the agitation swelled to a tumult, and a good many shots were fired. The British line, still silent and immoveable, still with grounded arms, though we were but 300 metres off, seemed not to perceive the storm about to reach it. The contrast was striking. More than one of our fellows began to think, within himself, that the enemy was very slow in firing, and that his fire, when it came, would shortly be very unpleasant. We felt less ardent. The moral influence, irresistible in war, of that composure which seems to be undisturbed (even when it is not so), over disorder intoxicated with noise, weighed

upon us.

At this moment of painful suspense, the English wall presented arms. An impression they could not define riveted to the spot many of our men, who were beginning to open a dropping fire. The fire of the enemy, in perfect unity and precision, mowed us down. Struck back, we receded to

recover our balance; then first three formidable hurrahs broke the silence of our adversaries. At the third cheer they were upon us, driving in our disorderly retreat. But to our great surprise, they did not urge their advantage beyond a hundred yards, but fell back on their lines to await a second attack. The second attack, with reinforcements, was generally made, but made with the same result and fresh losses. (Trochu, p. 240.)

There is reason to believe, from the conduct of the French troops in the wars of the present generation, that these peculiarities in their mode of attack have not altered. They are due in the first instance to the nervous, high-spirited temperament of the men; but they have been increased, rather than counteracted, by the influence of the campaigns in Algeria, the great school of modern French arms. The loose formation and desultory warfare of Africa against the Arab tribes have given to men and officers a high degree of individual resource and self-reliance, but have weakened that severe discipline and close connection which is essential to regular movements against an enemy in line of battle. French soldiers take up their ground with extreme promptitude and gallantry; when the fire of the enemy begins to tell upon them they rush forwards with irresistible ardour, but with some degree of confusion. These impetuous movements are ill-timed and inconvenient. They anticipate and embarrass the proper operations of war; and in the event of a check inflicted by an enemy under stricter discipline and control, they might be followed by the most disastrous consequences.

It would be presumptuous in us to attempt the task, for which we are by no means qualified, of

criticising the French army; and in these remarks we have said nothing which has not been laid down by the experience and authority of its own officers. In spite of the imperfections which have been pointed out, the confidence we feel in the superior quickness and aptitude of the French for war is so great, that we entertain no doubt the army would speedily attain that preeminence for which it has ever been so famous. At the same time it cannot be denied that the present condition of the armies of Germany, united by federation or by treaty to the Crown of Prussia, renders them more formidable antagonists than they have ever been before. In point of numbers, the united population of Germany, including the States south of the Main, is superior to the population of France; it increases more rapidly; and the uniform obligation of military service during a term of nineteen years, enables the German rulers to throw a larger proportion of their subjects into the ranks of the army. In point of physical size and strength the advantage is on the side of the big Teutonic race, over the Celt, the Latin, and the Gaul. In point of field armament the Prussians forestalled the other armies of Europe in the introduction and use of a breech-loading rifle, but this cause of inequality has disappeared since the introduction of the Chassepot and the Snider guns. In horses, the resources of Germany are inexhaustible; and to this element of strength must now be added a very complete system of railroads and telegraphs. The tactics of the French infantry of the line are, as we have seen, complicated and old-fashioned; those of the Prussian army have been the subject of incessant

The

study and improvement from the battle of Jena, when their old system utterly broke down, to the battle of Sadowa, when their new system culminated in victory. The German armies are in the highest state of efficiency which can be reached, by scientific preparation for war, by concentration, by compact discipline, and by forethought. The Bohemian campaign had been in preparation for six years, and the result justified the care bestowed upon it. army knows to whom it has to look-men like General Roon and General Moltke to plan its operations, leaders like the Crown Prince and the Prince Frederic Charles to command it in the field, inspire the troops with a confidence strengthened by past experience and habitual deference to supreme authority. In the French army we cannot say that the present aspect of affairs is equally satisfactory. That great evolution of military reform which the Prussians have accomplished, is, in France, incomplete. The Imperial Government does not possess the unequivocal or undivided confidence of any class of French citizens. The Emperor, whose will is the only tangible form of authority, does not boast of high military talents, and has been unfortunate in several of his military experiments. After him, there is in France no general of such indisputable preeminence and au- . thority that he could at once give the vigour and unity of paramount command to the whole military system. The experience of the First Empire abundantly showed how dangerous it is to divide the command of the army among officers of rival pretensions, even when the supreme head of the State was a Napoleon. There is, therefore, at present in France nothing of

that strict unity of command and complete preparation for war which is believed to exist beyond the Rhine. On the contrary, opinions are divided in high quarters on many essential points. And the inevitable consequence is, that where the highest authorities are not completely resolved upon a course of action, a certain tinge of irresolution penetrates to the regimental officers, and the discipline and cohesion of the whole mass is perhaps somewhat relaxed. These are not favourable conditions to take the field against a powerful and well-advised enemy.

It is far from our intention to insist upon, or in the least degree exaggerate, these apparent shortcomings. On the contrary, we are confident that upon a great emergency the French nation will, as of old, put forth an amount of energy and resource capable of surmounting these and far greater perils.

The most favourable result that we can venture to anticipate from the enormous military establishments of the present day is that they may render offensive war too difficult and perilous an enterprise to be undertaken with any prospect of advantage and success. For defensive purposes no country can be too strong; and as long as the power of resistance is in most countries greater than the power of attack, it may reasonably be inferred that war will not be made. The moment the defensive weapon is converted into a weapon of aggression it becomes a curse to the world. Unhappily, popular passions, military pride, and political interests supply motives of action in which reason has no share. In the present state of the great continental armies, in the