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in Surrey, upon government originating with the people, and good government alone being the ordinance of God, gave vast offence to the Tories, and occasioned the passing of a curious resolution, that no one should preach before the House unless he was a Dean or a D.D. A Committee of the Lower House formally complained of Dissenters being made Justices of the Peace; whereas it turned out on inquiry that not two of their number were placed on the roll, besides such as had become occasional Conformists. Some zealots went so far as to propose, that an address should be presented to the King, to remove Burnet from the office of Preceptor to the young Duke of Gloucester; but as this was too absurd a proposal to find much support, it had to be withdrawn. Under pretence of patriotism and economy. a strong opposition party carried one measure for a reduction of the army, which compelled William to part with his Dutch Guards, the sorest sacrifice he ever made; and another for the recovery of Irish estates, bestowed by the Monarch on his supporters, a proceeding which ended in the aggrandizement of its inventors.

The peace of Ryswick had brought "a great swarm of priests" 2 to England, who held up their heads with so much insolence, that some foolish Protestants and some cunning politicians absurdly declared, the articles of peace favoured Popery, and the King was a Papist in disguise. Soon the new Parliament, stirred by a gust of

1

777.

Kennet's Hist. of England, iii.

Tallard, the French Ambassador, writing home, says the Catholic religion "is here tolerated more openly than it was even in the time of King Charles II., and it seems evident that the King of England

has determined to leave it in peace, in order to secure his own."

"I hear from Calais of priests coming over every day, and here they get into the herd, so that it is hard to distinguish them."-Vernon Cor., ii. 193.

wind which threatened a "No Popery" tempest, set to work upon a Bill obliging every Popish minor succeeding to an estate, immediately to take the oath of allegiance, and, as soon as he attained his majority, to submit to the Test Act, otherwise his property would devolve on the Protestant next of kin. The Bill also banished Popish priests, and adjudged them to perpetual imprisonment in case they dared to return; the reward for conviction being £100. The Bill is said to have been partly a trick contrived by the Tories to perplex the Whigs, who prided themselves on being the champions of Toleration; but when they saw the Whigs supporting it, they indicated a desire to drop the measure. With a view of provoking defeat, they introduced additionally severe and unreasonable clauses; yet, contrary to their expectations, the Lords, under the influence of an anti-Popish fever, accepted what came up to them, and the Bill, unamended, not only passed the Upper House, but received the Royal assent. Burnet supported it, and endeavoured to defend himself against the charge of injustice and inconsistency. "I had always thought," he says, "that if a Government found any sect in religion incompatible with its quiet and safety, it might, and sometimes ought, to send away all of that sect, with as little hardship as possible. It is certain that as all Papists must, at all times, be ill subjects to a Protestant prince, so this is much more to be apprehended when there is a pretended Popish heir in the case." The new law happily proved a nullity. Some of the terms were so vague, and the provisions were so oppressive, that the "Act was not followed, nor executed in any sort." 1

1 Burnet, ii. 229; Statutes 11 and 12 Will. III. c. 4.

"The judges put such constructions. upon the clause of forfeiture as eluded its efficacy; and I believe there

were scarce any instances of a loss of property under this law." (Hallam's Const. Hist., ii. 333.) The Act was repealed in 1779.

Complaints of growing immorality had been repeatedly made; proclamations to check it had been often issued; and on the 28th of November, Parliament requested the publication of a new one. Upon this, the Archbishop of Canterbury addressed a pastoral letter to each of his Suffragans, requesting them to stir up the Clergy to a more zealous discharge of their duties. The good effects of pastoral diligence had been made apparent in London; now Ministers in general were exhorted to imitate the admirable example. Let them by their consistent lives recommend the doctrines which they preached. The family and the parish were spheres of usefulness, to be filled up by the discharge of the duties included in a Christian walk and conversation; persons in holy orders ought to be pre-eminently holy. Enemies were seeking objections against Christ's religion, its friends therefore ought to be diligent in its defence, acquainting themselves with the grounds on which it rested, and the modes of sophistry by which it was assailed. Frequent meetings of the Clergy for conference on religious matters might do much good, especially if Churchwardens and others of the laity could be brought to co-operate. Obstinate offenders should be subjected to ecclesiastical censure, and the assistance of the magistrate should be sought when it was likely to be effectual; people were not to shrink from exposing crime and securing its punishment, through fear of being denounced as informers. Finally, since education laid the firmest basis for morality and religion, it became the parochial clergy to be sedulous in the catechizing of children. In this way the Archbishop, through the medium of Diocesans and their Clergy, endeavoured to promote the interests of the Church. 1

1 Memoirs of Tenison, 65-73.

The power vested in the Crown of nominating Bishops and other dignitaries had been exercised during the life of Queen Mary very much according to her discretion. William,-perhaps because he was a foreigner, and also destitute of entire sympathy with Episcopalianism, or because he was so engrossed with foreign affairs,-seems to have been reluctant to take part in the bestowment of ecclesiastical patronage. In the year 1700 he devolved its responsibilities, to a large extent, upon the Archbishops of Canterbury and York, and the Bishops of Salisbury, Worcester, Ely, and Norwich. Whilst he was in the realm they were to signify to him their recommendation of such persons as they thought fit for vacant preferments, which recommendation they were to present through the Secretaries of State. If whilst he was beyond the seas, any Bishoprics, Deaneries, or other specified clerical offices in his gift, above the annual value of £140, should need filling up, the Commissioners were to transmit the names of suitable persons, respecting whom his pleasure would be made known under his sign-manual. At the same time he delegated to them full power at once to appoint to other preferments. Also, he declared, that neither when he was abroad nor when he was at home, should either of his Secretaries address him in reference to any benefices left to the recommendation or disposal of the Commissioners, without first communicating with them, also that no warrant should be presented for the Royal signature until their recommendation had been obtained.1

An affecting bereavement now occurred in the Royal family. William, Duke of Gloucester, a son of Princess

1 Le Neve's Lives, part i. 247-254.

Anne and Prince George of Denmark, was heir to the throne, and therefore in him centred the hopes of the nation. He seems to have been a lively child, for in 1695, when only six years old, he ran to meet his uncle with a little musket on his shoulder, and presented arms. "I am learning my drill," he cried, "that I may help you to beat the French." Nothing could have better pleased the veteran, who soon afterwards actually created the boy Knight of the Garter. Military tastes continued to guide his childish amusements, and he formed a regiment of lads, chiefly from Kensington, who attended him at Campden House, the residence of his mother, a quaint mansion burnt down a few years ago. The education of the Prince early occupied the thoughts of William, who offered the post of Governor to the Duke of Shrewsbury, now restored to the Royal confidence.1 Shrewsbury declined, and the office fell into the hands of Marlborough. A story is told to the effect, that the King said to the future hero of Blenheim, "Teach him to be what you are,

'Letter from Shrewsbury to Mr. Secretary Vernon (State Papers), December 19, 1697 (?) or 1 (?), acknowledges letter offering him the post of Governor to the Duke of Gloucester, pleads his many defects, but especially his health, which may render it necessary for him to seek a warmer climate.

Shrewsbury to William III.

"Whitehall, 1st Sept., 1696. "I have not this long while been sensible of so real a joy as I was to find, by your Majesty's letter of the 24th August, that you were satisfied with my endeavours to serve you. I wish I could please myself better with the effects; and that I were not

obliged to attribute this opinion of your Majesty's to your own natural indulgence and my Lord Portland's kind representation rather than to any merit of mine, beyond sincere intention to promote yours and the kingdom's interest to the utmost of my power, without being able to contribute much to either."

In a letter to Lord Hatton, described in the First Report of the Historical MSS. Commission, p. 23, it is said, "The Duke of Shrewsbury would be a greater person than he is, if his health would permit him to stay at Court; but it is wonderful that the laborious diversion of fox-hunting should agree so well with his Grace."

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