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of Challok occurred, in which Abbots, Presbyters, and Deacons met, and A.D. 1065, I do not find that more than one provincial Synod was held; a national Synod met under Dunstan, A.D. 969. Provincial Synods, previously occasional and rare, did not become regular and frequent until the reign of Edward I.

Convocation, with full power to deliberate, to propose and enact canons, to alter existing formularies, to pronounce authoritatively upon points of doctrine, and to originate schemes of ecclesiastical action, co-ordinate with the functions of Parliament, would have been a reality; but, in the view of many, such power would be inconsistent with the secular relations of the Church, as dependent on the State for much of its pecuniary support, for more of its social prestige, and for all of its political preeminence. Convocation, as it was permitted to exist under William III., was really a mere form, and that a very troublesome one. Nor did Atterbury, or any who sided with him, endeavour to bring it into accordance with their theory. The theory was one of ecclesiastical independence; but when they saw some of the difficulties of their position, they only endeavoured to loosen a little the chain which bound up the liberty of Convocational action.1

The new Ministry, formed in 1700, stipulated that Convocation should be restored to its sessional rights and privileges.2 This point being conceded, those of the Clergy whom it particularly gratified, burst into a state of clamorous excitement, broaching new or reviving

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days, and then the Archbishop held his Synod for three days more. 'Here are the beginnings of the anomalous position of the two Convocations in England, half ecclesiastical Synods, half estates of the Realm-each character hinder

ing the effectual working of the other."

1 Convocation is now (1872) entering upon a new phase of its history, the results of which deserve careful study.

2 Burnet, ii. 280.

old theories. Atterbury, as earnest in action as he was eloquent in speech, regarded it as eminently a critical juncture, and felt a strong desire that those members who thought with him should come to town a fortnight beforehand for consultation. He wished them, he said, to take proper methods for preventing or breaking through the snares of enemies.1 He urged upon his friends, Trelawny, Sprat, and Compton, the execution of the præmunientes clause in the Parliamentary writ, as well as the execution of the Archbishop's provincial mandate.2 In this measure the Bishops just named concurred, and used their writs accordingly; so did Hough, Bishop of Lichfield, and Mew, Bishop of Winchester.3

Tenison, in his archiepiscopal barge, started from Lambeth Palace on Monday morning, February the 10th, and landed at St. Paul's Wharf, whence he was escorted

1 Atterbury's Corresp., iii. 10.

2 Ibid., 11, 13, 17.

An address was presented to the Archbishop of Canterbury by the Clergy of the Diocese of Wells, assembled to elect Proctors, stating that they were advised they had a right to be summoned to Westminster by virtue of the præmunientes clause. Lambeth MSS., Gibson,

vi. I.

But the next paper in the same volume is an address to the elected Proctors, breathing a spirit of profound submission to the Archbishop, and calling the King "His Sacred Majesty, and the Supreme Head of the Church on earth.”

At the election of Proctors for the Diocese of Bristol, a paper was introduced advocating the view of the præmunientes clause taken by Atterbury.-Gibson, vi. 3.

3 The Bishop of Norwich wrote to the Archbishop of Canterbury on the 8th January, 1701, remarking, "I could with humble submission wish there might be no license for business this first session, for if there should be, it will be thought the effect of Mr. A.'s book, and they will not greatly regard the strength of any answer while they carry their chief point; it is also to be suspected they will vote it their right and privilege to sit and do business as often as the Houses of Parliament do; but if a good answer to that book shall precede the sitting of the Convocation, persons will probably meet with more settled and easy minds, and fall more kindly to business, and also suppose there was more than ordinary reason for their meeting."-Lambeth MSS., Gibson, 933, 41.

by a number of Advocates and Proctors to the west end of the new Cathedral; the Portland stone being then unblackened by London smoke, and the structure, as well as its ornaments, being still in a state of incompleteness. Received by the Dean and Canons, his Grace was conducted to the choir, and placed in the Dean's Stall, fresh from the touch of the carver's chisel,-the Suffragan Bishops occupying the other stalls on either side. After the Litany had been chanted in Latin, the Bishop of Chichester preached, and at the close of the sermon the choir sung an anthem. The assembly proceeded to the new Chapter-House, where the Archbishop, being seated on his throne, addressed his brethren, after the writ of summons had been read by the Bishop of London. .The election of a Prolocutor for the Lower House followed in order; the Dean of Canterbury, Dr. George Hooper, being preferred to the Dean of Gloucester, Dr. William Jane. High Churchmen, with dismal forebodings of opposition from Low Churchmen, whispered amongst themselves as soon as they had presented their Prolocutor, that perhaps they would be adjourned, without permission to enter on business. This policy Atterbury determined to obstruct; for, said he, if we come to any resolutions, they will certainly be for the honour and interest of the Church, since we have a majority in the Lower House, as remarkable as that of our opponents in the Upper.1

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Atterbury's Correspondence,iii. 22. He says, writing to Trelawny on the 20th of February, "We met yesterday upon our adjournment. The Prolocutor was presented by Dr. Jane, who made an admirable speech, and spoke very plainly about the state of our affairs. It was both written

and spoken with more life and vigour than I could have imagined Dr. Jane, under his present ill state of health, could have exerted. The Dean of Canterbury's, too, was extremely commended, and had several artful wipes in it. Neither of them, I believe, went very well down with

Convocation having solemnly assembled, and the usual preliminaries being accomplished, Atterbury was intent on going to work; but his correspondence indicates that he moved too fast to please some of his brethren, and that he had reason to apprehend they meant to reject his leadership. They had not proceeded many steps, when Dr. Ashurst and Dr. Freeman incurred Atterbury's censure, because after the Archbishop's form of prorogation had come down, and the Prolocutor had informed the House they were not to regard themselves as being prorogued until he told them they were, these two gentlemen, as the Archdeacon states, were very noisy, insisting upon it that they were actually prorogued, and that it was a dangerous thing for them, under such circumstances, to sit any longer. The Prolocutor immediately arose, and said, as these gentlemen were fidgeting about in their scarlet robes, that if they thought they were incurring any risk, they were at liberty to depart. They immediately rose, with the hope of a respectable following, but as they vanished, they were, if we may depend on an opponent's report, followed only by a general smile, and the condemnation of their own party.1

Another question agitated the House the same day. Complaints were made of episcopal interference with the election of clergymen, and accordingly a resolution to that effect passed the House, supported by a large number, says one authority-by a small number, says another. The same day a committee was appointed to investigate disputed elections-a step which, in the estimation of Low Churchmen encroached upon the epis

the Bench to which they were addressed, but against the first of them (the Dean of Gloucester), my Lord of Sarum declared very loudly" (p.26).

1 Atterbury's Correspondence, 31. 2 Letter to a Clergyman in the Country, p. 1. Answer to the Letter, P. 4.

copal prerogative, for they maintained that the Bishop with his suffragans must be the final judge of all such matters.1

Robing themselves on the 28th of February, the members glided along the aisles of the Abbey up the steps of Henry the VII.'s Chapel, when they proceeded to business, without taking any notice of their right reverend superiors, who had also robed themselves that same morning, and sat down within the Jerusalem Chamber. It plainly appeared that the two ecclesiastical conclaves were becoming hostile camps. A message from the Archbishop soon reached the Lower House, asking for an explanation, why they went to prayers before the Bishops came. The question at issue now formally arose, and then began a lengthened contest, as to whether the Lower House had self-contained rights, like those of the Commons a right of self-adjournment and prorogation, and a right to meet, consult, and resolve, without being dependent from step to step upon the will of Prelates. The High-Church party, so zealous in theory for episcopal order, thus in practice broke with their right reverend fathers. In the controversy was mixed up also an obstinate contention on the part of the Prolocutor about what was meant by the words, in hunc locum in the Archbishop's schedule; to settle this point were added the words, vulgo vocatum Jerusalem Chamber. For a little while, some semblance of union continued. Each party treated the other with punctilious respect. Atterbury, indeed, at the commencement anticipated, in the matter of the address, a "tough dispute," and, as he said this, resembled a war-horse snorting on the edge of a battle-field. He pressed the Lower House not to wait for

1 The New Danger of Presbytery, 3.

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