enmity with either of the contracting parties should not be permitted to fit their ships, or sell their prizes in the ports of the other; and by its thirty-first, that each of the contracting parties was to have the liberty of having consuls in the ports of the other. These were the articles which Genet was in effect instructed to construe in the sense most favorable to France, and in order to induce or compel a "timid and wavering government" to consent to his interpretation, he was to array the American people on the side of France. Genet at From the beginning of his career in this country Genet made two facts clear; first, that his business here was primarily with the American people; and second, that he did not intend to confine his efforts in behalf of "liberty, fraternity and equality" to even the most liberal interpretation of the treaties of 1778. Instead of landing at Philadelphia, the seat of government, he landed at Charleston April 8 and proceeded to Philadelphia by land. He knew that France was most popular in the South, and he wished at the start to give the government a vivid impression of the depth of the people's sympathy for France. Without waiting for the formality of presentation, he began at once to conduct himself not like a foreign minister, but like a sovereign in his own empire. The treaty of commerce provided that France could have consuls in the ports of the United States. With that as a warrant (?) Genet commanded each French consul in the United States to act as a court of admiralty to try and to condemn any prizes that French cruisers might bring to port. The treaty provided that privateers of an enemy of France should not be permitted to fit out prizes in the ports of the United States, or bring them there. Genet construed that as a permission to France to do it. He immediately bought two swift sailing vessels, equipped them as privateers, manned them with Americans, and sent them out to capture British merchantmen. The frigate in which he came from France, L'Ambuscade, captured a British vessel, "The Grange," in American waters on her way to Philadelphia. The inscriptions on her masts showed that he meant to employ every means to excite the American people to the French fever heat of enthusiasm. On her foremast was inscribed, "Enemies of equality, change or tremble;" on her main mast, "Free people, you see in us brothers and friends;" on her mizzen mast, "We are armed to support the rights of men." The colors of England were reversed and the flag of France was flying, as if in triumph above them. His journey to Genet's journey to Philadelphia was one long ovation. At every town Republicans poured out in hundreds, shouting themselves hoarse as they escorted him to the best hotels and entertained him with civic feasts. As he neared Philadelphia men on fast horses were stationed along the road to give the city timely information of his approach. When he reached Gray's Ferry, thousands of Philadelphians took possession of him and carried him in triumph to the town. The next day he received addresses from the German and French Republicans and from many citizens in Philadelphia, and the day after he was presented to Washington as the minister from the French republic to the United States. His reception by Washington was in marked contrast with his reception by the people. But to understand the attitude of Washington, we must follow the deliberations of the government from the time the news of the war between France and England reached the United States until Genet's arrival in Philadelphia. Cabinet discus As soon as the news of the declaration of war by France against England reached the United States, (April 15, 1793), Washington hastened from Mount Vernon to Philadelphia and sent to the members of his cabinet a series of questions prepared by Hamilton upon which their opinions were to be sions. given at a cabinet meeting the next day. Should a proclamation be issued for the purpose of preventing interferences of the citizens of the United States in the war between France and Great Britain? Should it contain a declaration of neutrality? Should a minister from the Republic of France be received? If received, should it be absolutely or with qualification? Were the United States obliged by good faith to consider the treaties heretofore made with France as applying to the present situation of the parties? Might they renounce them or consider them suspended till the gov ernment of France should be established? Suppose the treaties binding, what was the effect of the guarantee clause? Did it apply to a defensive war only, or to an offensive as well as a defensive war? Was the war in which France was engaged an offensive or a defensive war? Did any article of either of the treaties prevent British ships of war, other than privateers, from coming into the ports of the United States? The cabinet unanimously agreed that a proclamation of neutrality should be issued; that Genet should be received; and that it was not expedient to call a special session of Congress. But Hamilton and Knox held that Genet should be received with an express reserve of the question as to whether the treaties should be suspended. Jefferson, with whom Randolph inclined to agree, thought the treaties as binding with the republic, as they had been with the monarchy. Hamilton also contended that in case the treaties were considered binding, the guarantee clauses did not apply to an offensive war such as France was then waging against England, while Jefferson declined to give an opinion on the ground that it was not then necessary to decide that question. The proclamation as issued declared the disposition of the United States to pursue a friendly and impartial conduct toward all the belligerent powers, Proclamation of neutrality. as required alike by duty and interest. It exhorted and warned the citizens of the United States to avoid all acts which might in any man ner tend to contravene such a disposition; and declared that the government would not only not interfere to protect any citizen, who might expose himself to punishment under the law of nations by aiding or abetting any of the belligerents, but that it would cause all such acts to be prosecuted in the courts of the United States, so far as they came within their cognizance. At a cabinet meeting called to consider the privateering commissions issued by Genet, and the prizes condemned by French consuls, it was unanimously decided that they were not authorized either by the treaties between France and the United States, or by the laws of nations, and were, therefore, void. It was also agreed that "The Grange," the vessel captured by "L'Ambuscade” within American waters should be restored. But the cabinet was unable to agree when the question arose as to what should be done with the privateers fitted out by Genet. Hamilton contended that as these captures were violations of the proclamation of neutrality that had been issued, the vessels taken should be restored to their owners; otherwise the United States would become a party to the injury inflicted on Great Britian. Jefferson argued, that if the captures were illegal-whether they were or not he declined to say-it was for the courts to say so, and in case they were, to order a restoration of the property. When Genet presented his credentials, Washington spoke to him of the friendship of the United States |