15. If the doctrine of this resolution were true and were acted on as such, what would be the difference between the constitution and the Articles of Confederation?

16. What is Alexander Johnston's interpretation of this paragraph?

17. What do you think of his interpretation?

18. What seems to have been the abiding thought of Jefferson on this subject?

19. What do you think of the reasoning of the second, third fourth, fifth and sixth resolutions?

CHAPTER XXI.

Οι

DOWNFALL OF THE FEDERALIST PARTY.

France of the

ures of the

UR STORY has already told of the tornado of indignation that swept over the country on the publication of the X., Y. and Z. dispatches, and of the energetic measures passed by Congress in June and July, 1798. The news seems to have taken Talleyrand and the French government completely by surprise. That a "backwoods nation" of 5,000,000 people would dare to throw down the gauntlet at the feet of the conquerors Effect upon of continental Europe was a possibility energetic measupon which they had not reckoned. The United States, Directory at once changed their attitude. They assured Gerry that they were eager to preserve peace between the two republics. They no longer demanded satisfaction for the language of Adams' message. They declared that they did not wish the United States to break Jay's treaty; they issued circulars forbidding the further capture of American vessels; they released American seamen, and, in August, declared in a semi-official way, their readiness to receive a new American minister, provided his political opinions were acceptable.

In his message to Congress in December, Adams asserted that the "pretension" on the part of the French to prescribe the qualifications which a minister of the

United States should possess was inadmissible, and declared that to send another minister "without more deter. minate assurances that he would be received nominated to was an act of humiliation to which the

Vans Murray
France.

United States ought not to submit." But he gave it as "his deliberate and solemn opinion, that whether we negotiate with her or not, vigorous prepararations for war will be alike indispensable." Long before this, however, Talleyrand had given the most "determinate assurances" that an American minister would be received. In his message in June, we remember, Adams had said that he "would never send another minister to France without assurance that he would be received as the representative of a great, powerful, and independent republic." Accordingly, on September 28, 1798, Talleyrand caused the resident American minister at the Hague, William Vans Murray, to be assured that "whatever pleni-* potentiary the government of the United States might send to France, in order to terminate the existing difficulties between the two countries, he would undoubtedly be received with the respect due to the representative of a free, independent and powerful nation." Adams took him at his word. Without even hinting his intention to his cabinet, to say nothing of asking their advice, on February 18, 1799, he nominated Murray as minister to France.

This precipitate action, which was undoubtedly the occasion of the downfall of the Federal party, grew out

of the relations between John Adams and the Hamiltonian Federalists. Hamilton and Adams began their respective careers under the constitution, the one as Secretary of the Treasury, the other as Vice-president, with a lack of confidence in each other. Hamilton suspected Adams of being unfriendly to Washington. He believed that Adams had been among the number in Congress, who, at one period in the Revolution, had been willing to supersede Washington and appoint Adams and Gates in his stead. Though this feeling was so far overcome as to induce him to prefer the election of Adams as Vice-president, it left a sediment behind in the form of a distrust of him, and an unwillingness to see him elected by a very large majority. He accordingly used his influence to diminish the number of votes for Adams.

Hamilton.

Adams heard of this and was naturally inclined to complain that he appeared before the world as the choice of a minority of the electors, when but for the influence of Hamilton he would have received a decided majority. As Vice-President during Washington's two administrations, Adams had repeatedly given the casting vote in favor of measures that had originated with Hamilton. Nevertheless, the relations between the two men were never cordial. It was impossible that they should be. Their tempers and characters were such that they were sure to come into antagonism. Hamilton's ardor, ability, self-assertiveness, and devotion to the public good com

bined with a remarkable capacity to impress himself upon men, had made him, by the close of Washington's second term, the real leader of the Federal party. When Jefferson was an old man, Van Buren visited him at his home at Monticello. In the course of their numerous conversations about political parties, Van Buren observed that in speaking of the Federalists, Jefferson always spoke of Hamilton. Instead of saying the Federalists did this and that, he always said Hamilton did this and that, attributing to him the authorship of their entire policy. Van Buren asked him the reason. Jefferson smiled and said that the Republicans never had any doubt that the policy of their opponents was directed by Hamilton. The researches of history have fully confirmed Jefferson's opinions. Every important measure of the Federalists during Washington's two administrations bore the stamp of Hamilton's personality. Washington himself, as we have seen, constantly looked to him for advice. The members of Washington's cabinet who were appointed after its first members resigned, owed their elevation largely to his influence, and habitually relied on him for advice and suggestions. The natural inclination of weaker men to lean on a strong man, impelled them in the critical and difficult positions in which they often found themselves, to turn to a man who always had time to think out a clear and definite policy for every emergency, and support it by powerful In this way, Hamilton exerted almost as much

reasons.