To CHAPTER VI. A FORGOTTEN DEMOCRAT. UNDERSTAND how men like Madison, who had The influence of environment upon Madison. been conspicuous for their Federalism when to be a Federalist meant to believe in the adoption of the constitution, came to co-operate in the organization of a party opposed to Federalism, when to be a Federalist meant to be in favor of Hamilton's financial policy, we must try to understand their environment. For Madison would never have opposed the measures of Hamilton so systematically and persistently as he did after 1791, had it not been for the nature of the influences brought to bear upon him. The men with whom he walked and talked, who wrote letters to him and to whom he wrote in reply, who visited him and whom he visited, the men above all upon whose approval he was obliged to depend for promotion, gave a certain set to his mind, a certain direction to his attention. They predisposed him to see all the difficulties on one side of the various questions that arose in their full force, and to minify those on the other. They put him on the alert for every attempt to enlarge the scope of the powers conferred upon the general government by construction; for every attempt to "administration" the government from what it was intended to be to a government with larger powers. To understand, therefore, the nature of the influences exerted upon him, it is desirable to understand these men-to realize as clearly as we can, their attitude towards political questions-what they hoped and what they feared from the government. ronments? This is the more worth while because, in the first place, the influences they exerted upon Madison were exerted also upon a man of greater force-Thomas Jefferson, a man whose temperament and cast of Why important to understand mind would probably have decided him to Madison's envioppose the measures of Hamilton independently of such influences, although it is quite impossible to imagine him the leader of a forlorn hope. In the second place, when we understand these influences, we shall see the material that was already for organization into an anti-Hamiltonian party. To this end, I propose to cite numerous quotations from the diary of William Maclay, Senator from Pennsylvania from 1789 to 1791. This diary was written with no thought of publication. Every line of it contains intrinsic evidence of being the expression of the author's sincere opinions. These opinions do indeed represent only one of the two phases then dominant in the political thinking of Virginia; her antagonism to a strong central government, her jealousy of every assumption of federal power. The peculiar opinions known as Virginia Republicanism, opinions with which we shall hereafter become acquainted, found no expression in Maclay's diary. But these opinions, as we shall see, chiefly diverged from the Democracy of which Senator Maclay was Democracy and Virginia Republicanism. so vigorous an exponent, so long as it was not in power, in matters of foreign policy. So far as domestic affairs were concerned, the Democracy of Maclay and the Republicanism of Virginia were in substantial agreement as long as they were an opposition merely. When the one party of which they were component elements got possession of the government, the question had then to be settled, as we shall see, as to which of the two was to determine its policy; whether the government was to be administered in harmony with the ideas of Democracy, or whether it should follow the path marked out by Virginia Republicanism. One further preliminary remark is necessary: I shall cite quotations from his diary, ranging over the entire two years of his senatorial service. I shall therefore, depart from a chronological order, stating his opinions on matters which we have not yet reached in the course of our story in order that the nature of the influences that were hostile to the policy of the new government may be presented in a single view. April 25, 1789, he records Vice President John Vice President Adams on titles. know whether the framers of the constitution had in view the two kings of Sparta or the two consuls of Rome when they framed one to have all the power while he held it, the other to do nothing." April 30: "The Senate returned to their chamber after service, found and took up the address.* Our VicePresident called it his Most Gracious Speech. I looked all around the Senate. *** I must speak or nobody would. "Mr. President, we have lately had a hard struggle against kingly authority. The minds of men are still heated; everything related to that species of government is still odious to the people. The words pre-. fixed to the President's speech are the same that are usually placed before the speech of his Britannic Majesty. I consider them improper." May 5: "Title selected for our President was 'Elective Majesty.' May 7: "There are three ways," said our Vice President, "in which the President may communicate with us; one is personally. If he comes here we must have a seat for him. In England it is called a throne." May 14: "Through all this base business (about titles) I have endeavored to mark the conduct of General Washington. I have no clue that will lead me fairly to any just conclusions as to his sentiments." June 5: "Levees may be extremely useful in old countries where men of great fortunes are Washington's collected, as they may keep the idle from levees, being much worse employed, but here I think they are hurtful. *** Indeed, from these *He refers to the address of the President at the opening of the two houses of Congress. Instead of sending a message to Congress at the opening of that body, the first two presidents delivered an address. small beginnings I fear we shall follow, nor cease till we have reached the summit of court etiquette, and all the frivolities, fopperies and expenses practiced in European governments. I grieve to think how many individuals are aiming at these objects with unceasing diligence."* June 14: "My mind revolts in many instances against the constitution of the U. S. I am afraid it will turn out # *The account given of Washington's levees by Sullivan, in his Familiar Letters, enables us to understand why Democrats like Maclay did not take kindly to them. "Washington devoted one hour," says Sullivan, "every other Tuesday, from three to four, to these visits. He understood himself to be visited as President of the United States, and not on his own account. He was not to be seen by anybody and everybody, but required that everyone who came should be introduced by his secretary, or by some gentleman who knew himself. At three o'clock or at any time within a quarter of an hour afterwards, the visitor was conducted to the reception room from which all seats had been removed for the time. On entering, he saw the tall, manly figure of Washington clad in black velvet; his hair in full dress, powdered and gathered behind in a large silk bag; yellow gloves on his hands, holding a cocked hat with a cockade in it, and the edges adorned with a black feather about an inch deep. He wore knee and shoe buckles, and a long sword, with a finely wrought and polished steel belt which opened at the left hip; the coat worn over the sword so that the belt and the part below the folds of the coat behind were in view. The scabbard was white polished leather. He stood always in front of the fireplace with his face towards the door of entrance. The visitor was conducted to him, and he required to have the name so distinctly pronounced that he could hear it. He received his visitor with a dignified bow, while his hands were so disposed as to indicate that his salutation was not to be accompanied with shaking hands. This ceremony never occurred in these visits even with his most near friends, that no distinction might be made. As visitors came in they formed a circle around the room. At a quarter past three the door was closed. He then began on the right and spoke to each, calling him by name and exchanging a few words. When he had completed his circuit, he resumed his first position. The visitors approached him in succession, bowed and retired. By four o'clock this ceremony was over." * * Long after the death of Washington, Jefferson wrote, "I was ever persuaded that a belief that we must at length end in some |