prospect of ever obtaining consideration and fair treatment in the United States, they will perhaps become desirous of going to Liberia, as soon as the already favorable reports have become more widely spread, and so well authenticated that no doubt of their perfect accuracy can any longer be entertained.* But all the American negroes can never be transplanted in this manner to Africa; indeed the majority of them will not consent to quit their new home. The attempt at sending negroes to St. Domingo has met with no approval or success in either country. Another idea, that of sending away all the young negresses, and thus leading to the extinction of the blacks, no one (to say nothing of its impracticability) can recommend as either natural, mild, or human. So too the placing of difficulties in the way of marriage, would only increase the number of illegitimate children.†

In view of these experiments and the difficulties attending them, the slaveholders have declared with redoubled warmth, that the whole system of slavery has been historically, rightfully, and lawfully established for thousands of years; and that above all it is so interwoven with the entire condition of the slave states, that it must remain unaltered as it is. Hence, they say, it has been unanimously agreed to by all parties since the founding of the Union, that Congress should not interfere at all in the slave question, but must leave its solution entirely to the slave states. Men can never be suddenly converted by general laws; it is only through persons, through the masters, that the slaves can be beneficially operated upon.

These circumstances and assertions of themselves necessarily incited and irritated the opponents of slavery more and more; but their anger burnt still fiercer when slavery was introduced into the new state of Missouri, and retained in Washington and the District of Columbia, while the right of petition for abolishing it was denied as illegal and conducive to strife. All these reasons led to the union of the abolitionists, who demanded an immediate, unconditional abrogation of slavery and a complete equalization of blacks and whites, and who determined to carry out their views by every possible means. They adopted, as they said, the eternal principles of right and the holy doctrines of Christianity as the guiding star of their endeavors; but many in fact paid not the slightest regard to existing circumstances, opinions, and difficulties, and were wholly destitute of prudence, mildness, and tact. While they meddled with the internal affairs of the several slave states,

Report on African Colonization, 1843.

↑ To the marriage of negroes the legal consent of the master is not in all cases absolutely necessary; although it is usually obtained, and (so it is said) is only refused in cases where a father could also refuse his consent. The children go with the mother, and the husbard is allowed to pass his evenings and nights with his wife. The negroes are often more faithful to their masters than to their women.

they printed and distributed an astonishing number of papers and tracts, and set up the doctrine, that in the prosecution of so sacred an object no regard whatever should be paid to consequences; by this means they naturally excited the anger and apprehensions of the slaveholders, whom they represented as robbers and criminals, and thus made the condition of the slaves-now looked upon with double suspicion-worse instead of better.

With regard to the excesses of many abolitionists, Channing, himself an ardent opponent of slavery, says: "They have fallen into the common error of enthusiasts, that of exaggerating their object, of feeling as if no evil existed but that which they opposed, and as if no guilt could be compared with that of countenancing or upholding it. The tone of their newspapers has often been fierce, bitter, and abusive. Their imaginations have fed on pictures of the cruelty to which the slave is exposed, till they have seemed to think that his abode was perpetually resounding with the lash, and ringing with the shrieks of agony. They have sent forth their orators, some of them transported with fiery zeal, to sound the alarm against slavery through the land, to gather together young and old, pupils from schools, the ignorant, the excitable, the impetuous, and to organize them into associations for the battle against oppression. Very unhappily they preached their doctrine to the colored people, and collected these into their societies. To this mixed and excitable multitude, minute, heartrending descriptions of slavery were given in the piercing tones of passion; and slaveholders were held up as monsters of cruelty and crime."

In this state of things the planters, threatened with the loss of life and property, regarded every means as allowable that could help to ward off the threatened danger; and the fanaticism in favor of slavery became as wild and unrestrained as that for freedom. This is shown by many, mostly recent, laws of the slave states; on which account I will here furnish from them a few

extracts.

In Georgia, the legislature can pass no law relative to the manumission of slaves without the consent of their owners.

In Maryland, the abolition or modification of slavery can be proposed only by a unanimous resolution of both houses of the legislature, and can never be carried into execution without full compensation to the masters. Free negroes are not allowed to settle there, and liberated slaves must leave the state; though this last decree has not been put in force.

In Kentucky, the legislature has no right to command the manumission of slaves, without obtaining the owners' consent, and making them compensation. The latter may liberate their slaves,

* American Almanac for 1839, p. 167.

under reservation of the rights of their creditors, and on giving security that the freedmen shall never become a burden to the state. As other states command the emigration of free negroes, here their immigration is forbidden. Neither is it permitted to bring slaves as merchandize to Kentucky. No free colored person can sell spirits to slaves: no negro or mulatto can testify against a white man. Slaves are to be treated with humanity; they have a right to an impartial trial by jury. Slaves cruelly treated may be sold to another master, on information by a person Iwell advised of the fact.*

In South Carolina, a knowledge of its evils caused them to prohibit the importation of slaves from Africa as early as the year 1787, and afterwards also that from other states. Neither can free negroes or colored people immigrate into the state; or if this for special reasons is permitted, they must each pay fifty dollars a year. Free negroes that leave the state must not return. Manumission from slavery is allowed; but it must be effected through a magistrate, and proof must be given that it is not done to get rid of the care of those who stand in need of assistance, and also that the liberated slaves are in a condition to support themselves. A person emigrating to South Carolina may take with him the slaves belonging to him for his own use; but he must not bring slaves for sale, otherwise he will have to pay a fine of one hundred dollars for each slave, and the slave will be declared free. Whoever purchases negroes contrary to the legal regulations, must pay for each a fine of $500. Every free negro must furnish a surety for his good conduct;† otherwise he will not be tolerated, but will be considered as a lawless vagabond and sold. No one can buy cotton, rice, maize, or wheat from a negro, under penalty of 1000 dollars and one year's imprisonment. No negro can possess fire-arms. Assemblies of negroes and colored persons must never be held with closed doors or between sunset and sunrise. Any one that distributes writings inciting the slaves to rebel, shall pay a fine of 1000 dollars and be imprisoned for one year. Negroes must not be taught to read or write. A white teacher will be fined 100 dollars, and be imprisoned for six months; a colored teacher must pay 50 dollars, and receive 50 lashes. Congress has no right to extend its legislation to the means that may be used for bettering the condition of the slaves.

I was repeatedly assured in South Carolina, that the laws respecting reading and writing, which had been passed in times of terror and excitement, had for the most part become a dead

* Laws of Kentucky. Milder laws were passed by Louisiana in the year 1806, respecting the food, clothing, hours of labor, and punishments of slaves. † Statutes of South Carolina, vii. 331-468. vi. 239, 516.

letter, and that even children and the members of families gave instruction to the negroes. When too the president of the United States wished to prohibit the transmission of violent publications through the post, Calhoun himself opposed it, because it would involve an unconstitutional restriction of the liberty of the press. He maintained that it must be left to each state to adopt the measures necessary to its safety; among which indeed the imposing of restrictions on an unbridled press might come to be included.* In many free states slavery is not only prohibited, but must never be introduced by any alteration in the constitution. Security, however, must be given for every freedman, that he shall not falla burden on the community.

It was certainly a gross piece of injustice that, according to the old laws of some states, a white man who had had intercourse with a black woman was let to go unpunished; while every black man who committed the offence with a white woman, with her own consent, was condemned to death. In a like spirit (and perhaps with reference to dogmatic and Old Testament views) there is elsewhere a talk of abominable intermixture and an impure posterity.-In Massachusetts marriages of this sort are indeed allowed, but none are contracted; and it is said that the black women have applied to the courts to have this to them injurious permission revoked. In this non-amalgamation of the races there is presented an insurmountable obstacle to political equalization.

Time and experience have cooled down the immoderate zeal of both parties only a few planters hold to the doctrine that their laws and institutions, which they assume to be altogether faultless, must be preserved without any alteration whatever; and only a few abolitionists venture to prefer violence and civil war to a gradual, mild, and voluntary amelioration. One of the most moderate and worthy of the abolitionists writes to me on this head: "A few years ago a split took place among the opponents of slavery, and the society no longer possess unity of feeling or of organization. Of the 1350 auxiliary societies which were scattered throughout the United States, probably nine tenths are formally dissolved or have gradually come to an end;—yet their influence lasts even to the present day. During their existence, they effected a great alteration of public opinion in the country; and they ceased chiefly because their wish was accomplished, and because among so large a number differences of opinion naturally arose which prevented consistent and harmonious action. But the principal question which separates them is one of use and expediency; namely, whether or no it is advisable to form a third political party, and give support to no candidate for office who is not an abolitionist."

*Calhoun's Speeches, p. 189.

† Laws of Kentucky, ii. 53.

After these necessary statements, let us return again to a consideration of the propositions which have been made with respect to the abolition of slavery. One of the first and most important questions here was, How are the masters of slaves to be indemnified? Some zealots indeed were of opinion that, as no man can be the property of another, they had no claim whatever to indemnification at all, but must be glad if they were not punished as godless robbers. But as the planters, according to the existing and recognized laws of their country, were in possession, and it seemed senseless to attempt to carry out this view by force, they found it necessary to enter more accurately and moderately into the matter. If we estimate the value of a slave at only 500 thalers on an average,* that of two millions (and their number has now risen to two millions and a half) will amount to the sum of 1,000 millions of thalers. To take these thousand millions at once from the owners, would be the greatest robbery ever recorded in history, and would inflict an indelible stain on the whole transaction. The next proposal, viz. that the slave owners should raise that sum and indemnify themselves, seems either a silliness or a mockery. If, on the other hand, it were desired to lay this enormous burden on the free states, it would not only be a horrible injustice, but would surpass all their present and future powers. The only expedient then that remains is, for the slaves (that part of them who gain their liberty) to pay off the capital of this indemnification money, or discharge the interest of it at stated periods, or give labor in return. But as this oftentimes proved very difficult for the serfs of Europe under more favorable circumstances, the American negroes, for many peculiar reasons, would thereby be brought into a still worse condition than before; in fact it is wholly impossible to suddenly impose upon them this load of a thousand millions of thalers in any way whatever.

Since then the liberation of the slaves without indemnification to the masters would unjustly inflict utter ruin upon the latter, while an indemnity of a thousand (or as some say, two thousand) millions is not in any way to be procured, it seems to follow incontestably that the present state of things must continue. This clear conviction, as many assert, has at least this advan

* In the extreme south indeed, in consequence of the increasing demand, a slave is worth from $1000 to $1200; and the traffic thither from the more northern states is very profitable. Buckingham's Slave States, i. 235, 249. In the property-tax, on the contrary, the slaves are estimated at a much lower value; e. g. in Baltimore, a man between 14 and 45, at $125