be in the way of this desired result, and viewing the attempt merely in respect to the effect of such a proceeding upon the colonists, I think that the ferment created amongst them would be so great as to throw hopeless impediments in the way. It would at once be supposed by them that we were sending in amongst them a vast quantity of our useless population, paupers who conferred no benefit upon the country they were exported from, and therefore, as they would argue, likely to prove an evil instead of a source of benefit and productiveness to the new soil in which they were to be placed. I know that there is a very great feeling of this kind already prevalent in our colonies, and in some even it has been thought desirable to exercise a sort of control as to the class of emigrants which should be admitted. Such a plan has recently been recommended to the Colonial-office, and I hope it will be persevered in, particularly not to give large tracts of land indiscriminately to parties proposing to emigrate, at the imminent risk of their not being properly cultivated, and the parties themselves not benefitted by their possession; but to sell the land at what might be considered a fair price to persons who, by showing themselves ready to advance a little money upon it, gave the best possible earnest of their intention and ability to improve and render it productive. In one colony alone, that of New South Wales, the sale of lands in this way, during the past year, has produced 100,000l., and this sum might be employed with success in the conveyance of emigrants. I am aware also that a notion used to be prevalent that persons sent out in this way from amongst the poorer classes of Irish were not of a description to be very desirable or useful to employers; but I am convinced that this feeling of prejudice or jealously will not long interfere in the way of this employment when it is found that there are many emigrants from Ireland willing and able to cul

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tivate the lands of those who may hire them. regard to this subject I may state, therefore, that it will be proposed that there shall be an emigration station at different sea-ports of Ireland, and that the persons proposing to emigrate, having raised a sufficient sum for that purpose, should inform the agent, who would send them to the sea-port, where a ship to be provided by the agent should be ready to convey them. The Government will pay the expenses of the agent, and also provide some proper officer for the command of the emigrants. By means of these precautions the colonists will be certified that the persons brought amongst them are proper persons for the purpose, and not merely paupers driven away to prevent them from starving in their native land. This is a plan which, if adopted, does of course not contemplate any vast number of persons being sent away together; but it will at the same time afford a vent by which a redundant population-and particularly those who cannot find adequate employment at home-may seek it with facility elsewhere. In establishing a system of poor-laws for Ireland it appears to me that we must look upon these two subjects-public works and emigration-as means for co-operating with, and perfecting, such an enactment. We should look also to the general improvement which, we are informed on all hands, is going on in Ireland, and we shall find much to hope for in the accomplishment of these objects. If, on the other hand, the whole state and condition of the country were going backward-if the whole revenues of the country were diminishing—there would then, indeed, be some difficulty in such a plan as that I now suggest; but considering, as I do, the whole country to be in the way of improvement, I think there is much to hope for from the plan, and every reason for its adoption. It is proper, however, that the House should understand, that what I have stated in regard to public works and

emigration bears no direct reference to the measure which I now hope to introduce. These subjects form no part of my present object, which is strictly to introduce a Poorlaw Act for Ireland. They are subjects, therefore, which I merely touch upon now as worthy of consideration as future resources, in co-operation with the measure I now propose. I would observe also, that I do not consider that these are branches of the subject in which the Poor-law guardians could properly be employed. I do not think it would be safe to intrust them with the management of public works and emigration, in addition to the labour and duties of their immediate department, although, at the same time, I think they may be made very useful in diffusing information on the subject. There is one other question collateral to this matter, which, before I sit down, I wish very briefly to touch upon. The Poorlaw Commissioners for England, in the end of their Report, make the following observations:

It will be observed that the measures which we have suggested are intended to produce rather negative than positive effects; rather to remove the debasing influences to which a large portion of the labouring population is now subject, than to afford new means of prosperity and virtue. We are perfectly aware that for the general diffusion of right principles and habits, we are to look, not so much to any economic arrangement and regulations, as to the influence of a moral and religious education; and important evidence on the subject will be found throughout our appendix. But one great advantage of any measure which shall remove or diminish the evils of the present system is, that it will in the same degree remove the obstacles which now impede the progress of instruction and intercept its results, and will afford a great scope to the operation of every instrument which may be employed for elevating the intellectual and moral condition of the

poorer classes. We believe that if the funds now destined to the purposes of education, many of which are applied in a manner unsuited to the present wants of society, were wisely and economically employed, they would be sufficient to give us all the assistance which can be prudently afforded by the State. As the subject is not within our commission we will not dwell on it farther, and we have ventured on these few remarks only for the purpose of recording our conviction, that as soon as a good administration of the Poor-laws shall have rendered farther improvement possible, the most important duty of the Legislature is to take measures to promote the religious and moral education of the labouring classes.'

These are the words with which the Bishop of London, the Bishop of Chester, and Mr. Sturges Bourne conclude their valuable observations on the Poor-laws of England and Wales; and if the remark is true in regard to England, it is doubly so, in my opinion, in respect to Ireland. I do not wish to enter now upon disputed points connected with this subject, but I have always heard it admitted, even by those who disapprove in general of the present system of national education pursued in Ireland, that it is proper and expedient that the Roman Catholics of Ireland should be educated; and whatever means are to be adopted for so doing, I think it should be such a system of education that the great mass of the people may look to it for improvement and instruction. In administering Poor-laws to Ireland, Parliament should keep this in view, that whatever is good for the moral condition of that country they should endeavour to promote, to extend, and to mature. Not only should we employ ourselves in relieving the indigent, in repressing outrage, and in establishing a feeling of general confidence in rich and poor by so doing, but we should endeavour also to sow the future seeds of virtuous habits, and heighten the character of the poorer classes of Ireland.

We should endeavour to give them that wholesome education which will enable them to do their duty to their God and to man; which shall furnish them with motives and incitements to do so; which shall eradicate and destroy the false notions and views of morality which they had formerly entertained, as respects their state as subjects to the State, and as responsible and immortal creatures. Provided we are all agreed upon the advantages of such an education, and that all should have the benefit of it, let us endeavour to afford it by such means as shall not interfere with their religious opinions. I shall conclude, therefore, by observing, that whilst I look upon the law which I now propose to introduce as one likely to effect very great benefits for Ireland, I look still more strongly hereafter to the fruits of such a system of legislation as that I have briefly hinted at; and I am confident that legislators who shall accomplish such good for Ireland will receive the reward of their own good opinion, and of the good opinion of the whole of the inhabitants of that country.

MUNICIPAL CORPORATIONS AND TITHES (IRELAND).

March 27, 1838.

LORD JOHN RUSSELL:-The House will see that, as the right hon. Gentleman, in putting his question to me, has gone into some detail, it will be necessary for me to go to a greater length than would otherwise have been requisite in answering him; but, to put myself within the rules of the House, I shall now move, that the House resolve itself into a Committee, to take into consideration the question of Irish tithes on a certain day, to be hereafter named. The right hon. Gentleman has stated, that