power, had appeared but as the presumption of ill-advised and deluded rebels, who yet might be alarmed, or soothed into submission. But neither the ministry nor the people of Great Britain had ever entertained the apprehension that the Colonies would dare to aspire to independence. It was to be expected, therefore, that a declaration of independence would excite the astonishment of the latter, and the fiercest indignation of the former. It was then not without reason apprehended, that the person who should propose that the Colonies be declared independent, would be marked out as that daring rebel, whose spirit should be quenched, and whose condign punishment should be made a terrible warning.

Amidst the hesitation of some Colonies, the foreseen opposition of many able men of the Congress, the malice of the Tories, the perils of war with its unknown issues, and the vengeance of the ministry, Richard Henry Lee moved the resolution (in these his own words): "That these United Colonies are, and of right, ought to be, free and independent States; and that all political connection between them and the State of Great Britain is, and ought to be, totally dissolved."

The convention of Virginia had instructed her delegates in Congress to propose to that body to declare the Colonies independent. As soon as the instructions arrived, they appointed Mr. Lee to move a resolution conformably to it. The opinions and wishes of Mr. Lee were well known to them, the boldness and decision of his character were suited to the crisis. His eloquence and political information peculiarly fitted him for the discussions, which it was anticipated, would follow the motion.

That it was the opinion of Congress, that the member who made the first motion on the subject of independence, would certainly be exposed to personal and imminent danger, may be inferred from the manner in which that motion is entered on the Journal. In the Journal of Friday, June the seventh, it is thus stated, "Certain resolutions respecting independence being moved and seconded, Resolved, that the consideration of them be deferred until to-morrow morning; and that the members be enjoined to attend punctually at ten o'clock, in order to take the same into their consideration." The reader

will see that neither the name of him who moved the resolutions, nor of him who seconded them, is mentioned. Richard Henry Lee moved, and John Adams seconded them. The long debates which followed (from the 7th of June to the 4th of July), show that the measure proposed by the resolution was considered one of fearful hazard and awful responsibility.

On the eighth, the Congress resolved itself into a committee of the whole, to take into consideration the resolutions respecting independence; and after some time the president resumed the chair, and Mr. Harrison reported, that "the committee having taken into consideration the matter to them referred, but not having come to any resolutions, they directed him to move for leave to sit again on Monday." It was also resolved, "that the Congress will, on Monday next, at ten o'clock, resolve themselves into a committee of the whole, to take into further consideration the resolutions referred to them."

On Monday, June 10th, the order of the day being before the house, the Congress resolved itself into a committee of the whole, "to take into further consideration the resolution to them referred." After several hours had been spent in debate, the president resumed the chair, and the chairman of the committee reported a resolution thereon. The resolution agreed to, in the committee of the whole Congress, being read, it was resolved, "That the consideration of the first resolution be postponed to the first Monday in July next, and in the meanwhile, that no time be lost, in case the Congress agree thereto, a committee be appointed to prepare a declaration, to the effect of the first resolution, which is in these words, to wit: 'That these United Colonies are, and of right ought to be, free and independent States; and that they are absolved from all allegiance to the British crown; and that all political connection between them and the State of Great Britain, is, and ought to be, totally dissolved.'''

The resolution was opposed by no one, as impolitic and improper at all times, but as imprudent at that time. Some of the arguments against its present adoption were, the want of money, munitions of war, of disciplined and efficient

armies, on the part of the Colonies; the seeming tardiness of several Colonies in declaring their wishes on the subject; the power and strength of Britain, by sea and land; and the yet unknown course of foreign governments, during the contest which would follow. Many able and virtuous patriots urged these and similar topics, with great force.

The leading advocate of immediate adoption was R. H. Lee. Tradition still relates, that he prefaced his motion with a speech, which was the effort of a mind of transcendent powers. He reviewed, in accurate and luminous detail, the rights of the Colonies, and the violations of those rights by the mother country. He stated the resources of the Colonies, and the advantages they would derive from union amongst themselves; the extent of their territory, and its capacity of defence, with a fullness of knowledge which was at once striking and wonderful. He dwelt upon the probable conduct of the Continental powers, especially of France and Spain, with almost prophetic foresight, and demonstrated, with the skill and ability of a profound statesman, their policy in the event of a separation from Great Britain. He continued, during the debate, from the seventh to the tenth, to urge every topic, which his acute and well-stored mind could conceive, in support of his motion. He addressed, in splendid and persuasive eloquence, every patriotic and noble passion which could be felt by freemen; and in rich declamation, adorned by the finest allusions of classic story, portrayed the beauties of liberty, with her train of blessings, law, science, and glory.

Memory has preserved a faint outline of his first speech, and pronounces the following, as the concluding sentences, with which he introduced his memorable motion: "Why then, sir, do we longer delay? Why still deliberate? Let this happy day give birth to an American republic! Let her arise, not to devastate and conquer, but to re-establish the reign of peace and of law. The eyes of Europe are fixed upon us; she demands of us a living example of freedom, that may exhibit a contrast, in the felicity of the citizen, to the ever-increasing tyranny which desolates her polluted shores. She invites us to prepare an asylum, where the

unhappy may find solace, and the persecuted repose. She entreats us to cultivate a propitious soil, where that generous plant, which first sprung and grew in England, but is now withered by the poisonous blasts of Scottish tyranny, may revive and flourish, sheltering under its salubrious and interminable shade, all the unfortunate of the human race. If we are not this day wanting in our duty to our country, the names of the American legislators of 1776 will be placed by posterity at the side of those of Theseus, of Lycurgus, of Romulus, of Numa, of the three Williams of Nassau, and of all those whose memory has been, and forever will be, dear to virtuous men and good citizens."

On the evening of the tenth, Mr. Lee received, by express from Virginia, the distressing intelligence that his lady was dangerously ill. This circumstance compelled him to ask leave of absence for a short time. He left Philadelphia on the eleventh; and on that day a committee of five members were chosen to draught a declaration of independence. The members were Messrs. Jefferson, J. Adams, Franklin, Sherman, and R. R. Livingston. The absence of Mr. Lee alone deprived him of the honor of being chairman of the committee to draw a declaration of independence, according to the uniform rule in all deliberative bodies, to appoint that member chairman of the committee, which is selected to report on any motion which he has made, and which has been adopted.-R. H. LEE.

ROBERT MORRIS, the eminent financier of the American Revolution, was born at Liverpool, England, January 20, 1734. His father was a merchant, engaged in the tobacco trade with this country. The nature of his business necessitated frequent trips across the Atlantic; and on one of these occasions he brought with him his son Robert, then in his thirteenth year. He had received, in England, an elementary education; but, with a view to render it complete, his father placed him under the tutorship of the Rev. Mr. Gordon, of Maryland.

Soon after the death of his father, Robert entered the counting-house of Charles Willing, a distinguished merchant of Philadelphia. After serving an apprenticeship with this firm, his patron established him in business, in conjunction with his son, Thomas Willing. Robert, in making a business trip to the West Indies, was captured by the French, and received from their hands most cruel treatment. Having managed to secure his release, he returned once more to his business in Philadelphia. Under the supervision of Robert Morris the firm rose to the summit of commercial reputation. Their enterprise and credit have seldom been equalled.

Although against his personal interests, Morris warmly opposed the Stamp Act, and signed the Non-importation Agreement of 1765. In the same year, he was elected as a member of Congress from Pennsylvania. He continued vigorously to uphold the rights of the colonists against the encroachments of the British Parliament. In 1776 he voted,

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