countenance our people as carriers on the water, and I suppose them to be determined to continue such.'

In March, 1787, Mr. Jefferson proceeded to London to assist Mr. Adams in perfecting the treaties which were then in progress of negotiation with Tripoli, Tunis and Portugal, together with that then pending with England. Mr. Jefferson at this time uttered the conviction to one of his correspondents, that notwithstanding the treaty which had already been ratified with England and the United States, the former was the enemy of the latter; that her hatred was deeply rooted and cordial; and that nothing was wanting with her but the power to crush her rebellious colonies from the face of the earth. And this opinion seemed founded in truth, and was supported by ample evidence furnished by the press, the parliament and the court of England at that moment. The ulcerations of the king's mind seemed to be so great as to hold out no hope of reconciliation whatever. On the presentation of Messrs. Jefferson and Adams, their reception "by their majesties" was most ungracious. Before leav ing England, Mr. Jefferson wrote as follows to Mr Jay, then Secretary of Foreign Affairs:

"With this country nothing is done; and that nothing is intended to be done on their part, admits not the smallest doubt. The nation is against any

change of measures; the ministers are against it; some from principle, others from subserviency; and the king, more than all men, is against it. If we take a retrospect to the beginning of the present reign, we observe that amidst all the changes of ministry, no change of measures with respect to America ever took place, excepting only at the moment of the peace, and the minister of that movement was immediately removed. Judging of the future by the past, I do not expect a change of disposition during the present reign, which bids fair to be a long one, as the king is healthy and temperate. That he is persevering we know. If he ever changes his plan, it will be in consequence of events which at present neither himself nor his ministers place among those which are probable. Even the opposition dare not open their lips in favor of a connection with us, so unpopular would be the topic. It is not that they think our commerce unimportant to them. I find that the merchants have set sufficient value on it. But they are sure of keeping it on their own terms. No better proof can be shown of the security in which the ministers think themselves on this head, than that they have not thought it worth while to give us a conference on the subject, though on iny arrival we exhibited to them our commission, observed to them that it would expire on the 12th

of next month, and that I had come over on purpose to see if any arrangements could be made before that time. Of two months which then remained, six weeks have elapsed without one scrip of a pen, or one word from a minister, except a vague proposition at an accidental meeting. We availed ourselves even of that to make another essay, to extort some sort of a declaration from the court; but their silence is invincible."

CHAPTER VIII.

THE CONVENTION AT ANNAPOLIS-SUMMONING OF THE FEDERAL CONVENTION -ADOPTION OF THE NEW CONSTITUTION-ORIGIN AND STATE OF POLITICAL PARTIES IN THE UNITED STATES-JEFFERSON'S OPINIONS IN REFERENCE TO THE FEDERAL CONSTITUTION HIS LETTERS ON THE SUBJECT-OPPOS

ING OPINIONS OF WASHINGTON-VOX POPULI, VOX DEI-JEFFERSON'S TRAVELS IN EUROPE-HIS DIPLOMATIC LABORS-EVENTS OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION-JEFFERSON'S OPINIONS IN REFERENCE TO THOSE EVENTS.

IN January, 1786, the General Assembly of Vir ginia resolved to appoint eight commissioners to meet those of other States to digest a system of uni form commercial regulations. The convention was appointed to meet at Annapolis in the ensuing September. When that time arrived five States only sent their representatives to the Convention. These were New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Maryland and Virginia. Mr. Dickerson was appointed president, and the members proceeded to deliberate. They found their powers too limited, and their numbers too few to secure any benefit or authority from their labors. They accordingly adjourned, but be fore doing so agreed upon a report to be submitted to the different States, in which they set forth the expediency of revising and extending the federal

system, and recommended the appointment of depvties by the various State legislatures to meet at Philadelphia on the 2d of May, 1787. On the 21st of February, 1787, Congress passed a resolution declaring such a Convention expedient. On the 25th of May deputies from nine States assembled in Philadelphia. Washington was elected president. Rhode Island subsequently sent her representatives, and the whole number composing the Convention was fifty-five. After long and careful deliberations a Federal Constitution was agreed upon. Alexander Hamilton drew the first draft, which was afterward adopted with some modifications. The instrument was sent to Congress on the 28th of September, 1787, and by them submitted to the several States for their ratification. It was approved by Delaware, Pennsylvania and New Jersey in 1787; by Georgia, Connecticut, Massachusetts, Maryland, South Carolina, New Hampshire, Virginia and New York in 1788; North Carolina ratified it in November, 1789, and Rhode Island in May, 1790.

It was mainly on the ground of "State sovereignty" that the Constitution reported by this convention was opposed on the part of some of the States; and that parties arrayed against federal power entered warmly into the discussion of its merits, in the interim between its promulgation by the Convention