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tion. While in making these observations, my situation points my attention to the welfare of man in the physical world, yours may perhaps present him as equally warring in the moral one."

The utter inconsistency of these sentiments with those more publicly professed by the great apostle of popular infallibility, justice, and humanity, will clearly appear to every impartial reader.

But it was when the personal feelings of Mr. Jefferson were enlisted against any of his associates and rivals, that his statements in reference to them, their character and measures were the most unfair and untrue. There are many instances of these mistatements in existence, which clearly prove that, from the nature of the case, he must have been fully aware of the falsity of his assertions. Perhaps the most remarkable examples of this description are to be found in his declarations against the man whom of all others he most sincerely hated, and whom he most bitterly reviled. This was Alexander Hamilton, the illustrious and powerful head of the Federal party

Thus Mr. Jefferson asserted in the most distinct and authoritative manner, without adducing any proof whatever of the truth of the charge, that Hamilton considered a public debt as a public blessing; and in a letter to Gen Washington, dated 9th Septem

der, 1792, ("Writings of Washington," by Sparks, Vol. x., p. 17, Appendix,) he says: "My whole correspondence while in France, and every word, and letter, and act on the subject since my return, prove that no man is more ardently intent to see the public debt soon and sacredly paid off than I am. This exactly marks the difference between Colonel Hamilton's views and mine, that I wish the debt paid off to-morrow; he wishes it never to be paid, but always to be a thing wherewith to corrupt and manage the legislature."

Here is a distinct and positive charge of the most serious character; and it is to be regretted that such is the propensity of mankind to believe injurious imputations without asking for their proof, that it is very generally believed and very frequently alleged, even until this day. The evidence that this charge was wholly unfounded, and that Mr. Jefferson knew it to be so when he made it, is as follows: Mr. Hamilton, in his "Report on Public Credit,” dated January 9, 1790, (Vol. 3, “Hamilton's Works," p. 40,) proposes that "reserving out of the residue of those duties, &c., the surplus, together with the product of other duties, be applied to the payment of the interest on the new loan by an appropriation co-extensive with the duration of the debt." On page 41 he says: "Persuaded as the Secretary is,

that the proper funding of the present debt will render it a public blessing, yet he is so far from acceding to the position in the latitude in which it is sometimes laid down, that 'public debts are public blessings'—a position inviting to prodigality, and liable to dangerous abuse-that he ardently wishes to see it incorporared as a fundamental maxim in the system of public credit of the United States, that the creation of debt should always be accompanied with the means of its extinguishment. This he regards as the true secret of rendering public credit immortal." He then proceeds to propose that certain revenues "shall be appropriated to continue so vested until the whole debt shall be discharged.'

This Report, which was published and commented upon throughout the United States, must have been read by Mr. Jefferson; and as it was long anterior to the date of the letter referred to, it may be safely asserted that he knew such to be the principle of the measures of financial administration constantly recommended by Hamilton.

In further proof of the falsehood of this charge see "Hamilton's Report on Estimates," dated August 5, 1790. It will be found there that he urges that a surplus in the treasury of one million should be applied to the payment of the public debts. In his

Report on Manufactures, dated December 5, 1791, he says: "And as the vicissitudes of nations beget a perpetual tendency to the accumulation of debt, there ought to be, in every government, a perpetual, anxious, and unceasing effort to reduce that which at any time exists as fast as practicable, consistently with integrity and good faith." This most urgent admonition was published long before the date of Mr. Jefferson's letter.*

Another evidence of the insincerity of Mr. Jefferson was the fact that, while he pretended to approve of the Federal Constitution, he was in reality opposed to it. Thus he writes in a letter to John Adams, November 18, 1787: "How do you like our new Constitution? I confess there are things in it, which stagger all my dispositions to subscribe to what such an assembly had proposed.

* * *

Indeed I think all the good in this new Constitution might have been couched in three or four new articles to be added to the good, old and venerable fabric, which should have been preserved, even as a religious relic."

See Hamilton's "Report on the public debt," dated November 30, 1792, pp. 338, 339; and at p. 346, referring to the proceeds of the public debt, Hamilton says: "Whenever they can be brought into public use, their action will be important aid, materially accelerating the ultimate redemption of the entire debt."

And again he says to A. Donald, February 7th, 1788: "I wish with all my soul that the nine first conventions may accept the Constitution, because this will secure to us the good it contains, which I think great and important. But I equally wish that the four latest conventions, whichever they be, may refuse to execute it, till a Declaration of Rights be annexed." The reason of this wish was because the first clause of Article 7th of the Constitution provided that "the ratification of the conventions of nine States shall be sufficient for the establishment of this Constitution between the States so ratifying the same."

The whole number was thirteen. Jefferson wished that nine should ratify, and that five should refuse. This would have included New York as refusing ; and thus he proposed to postpone the Union, and run the risk of establishing separate confederacies!

Elsewhere in his private correspondence, Mr. Jefferson may be said to have objected to the Federal Constitution on another ground, and one in the highest degree novel and singular. It was on the general principle asserted in a letter to James Madison, dated September 6, 1789, at Paris. "The question whether one generation of men has a right to bind another, seems never to have been started either on this side or our side of the water. Yet it

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