held out, (there was nothing of the kind,) and the menacing appearance the people had assumed; that it was impossible to impose any check, without ascertaining who were the leaders, and he considered my personal assistance was essential to enable them to do so. I answered, that however necessary he might consider my assistance, it was a matter which might involve too serious consequences for me to engage in, without consulting my friends, and I therefore wished to refer to Mr. Cockburn and Mr. Jeffrey, for their opinions. To this proposition, however, he strongly objected. He said, that confiding in my honour, he had entrusted me with AN IMPORTANT STATE SECRET; and although the gentlemen mentioned were honourable upright men, and might make no improper use of the information, their political opinions differed from those who had the government of the country in their hands, and it would therefore be highly improper to let them know any thing of the matter. He then added, that he bad now the authority of the government to offer me a respectable permanent situation, if I would lend my assistance to suppress the conspiracy.

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66

To suppress the conspiracy!!"of course, it would not have done for Richmond to have said to "invent the conspiracy," agreeable to the important State Secret" which Mr. Finlay, the direct correspondent of Lord Sidmouth, had confided to him, although, if Richmond had made that admission, he only would have told the truth, and could not have injured his own degraded name farther than it has already been. But we shall demonstrate to the satisfaction of the public, 1st, that no conspiracy, like that, which formed the subject of the conversation between Richmond and Finlay, existed in Scotland, or at any rate, in Glasgow. And we shall further demonstrate to the satisfaction of the public, that if there was any conspiracy at all deserving the name, it was hatched by Richmond after his interview with Mr. Finlay;-AFTER Richmond, tempted by the Government situation proferred to him by Mr. Finlay, "on the authority of Government," had agreed to accept the wages of iniquity, and to entrap the thoughtless and the unwary into his cold-blooded atrocious designs.

On the first point, we refer triumphantly to the fact, that notwithstanding the numerous apprehensions which subsequently took place, in Glasgow, notwithstanding the most rigid examinations which also subsequently took place, under the direct superintendence not only of the whole of the local authorities, including Sheriffs and Magistrates, assisted by the whole of the Crown Lawyers from Edinburgh;-notwithstanding, in short, of every artifice and means that could be thought of, or resorted to, to bolster up this " conspiray," and to give it

they were utterly unable to adduce even "the shadow of a shade" of evidence against any one, prior to the middle of December, 1816. And, therefore, in the total absence of such evidence, can any reasonable man now hesitate to conclude, that "the most positive and undoubted information of the existence of such a conspiracy," which

Mr. Finlay, in the beginning of December, told Richmond the Government were already at that period in possession of, was altogether a fiction-resting in their own evil imaginations-but the realization of which they in their hearts desired, for the purpose (as Richmond himself, unluckily for them, admits,) of "quashing the demand for Reform then so generally made?"

In reference to the second point, let us first attend to the following striking and most important admission, made by Richmond himself, page 83 of his Narrative :-"I was (says he) in the practice of meeting Mr. Finlay, and Mr. Reddie, every socond or third evening, or oftener, as the case might require. These meetings took place, first in Mr. Finlay's house, and afterwards, to avoid suspicion, in that of Mr. Reddie.'

Richmond, evidently, by this time, had got the cue, and understood what was wanted of him. If he had had an honest job or project in hand, would he have talked of his nocturnal visits to Mr. Finlay in this manner? Would he not rather have made it his boast that he entered the spacious mansion of that gentleman every hour of the day, "steeled to the breast in honesty?" But the maxim is true that the guilty "hate the light, because their deeds are evil.”

The State secret" being communicated to Richmond, in the way we have stated, it was, of course, requisite for him to act agreeably to it. One of the first individuals he assailed, or rather, we should say, that he marked out for destruction, was Mr. William M'Kimmie, an intelligent weaver in Calton of Glasgow, who is still living, and who will check us if we are wrong. Richmond knew that M'Kimmie was a keen Reformer, and possessed some influence among an extensive circle of acquaintances, by whom he was respected; and as M'Kimmie had previously suffered an imprisonment of nine months, for joining the combination of the weavers, as it was called, some years before, for raising their wages, to which we have already alluded, Richmond, no doubt, thought that M'Kimmie, smarting under the recollection of that circumstance, would the more easily be prevailed upon to join in any enterprise against the Government. Accordingly, Richmond, in the first instance, represented to M'Kimmie, as well as to others, in glowing language, that he had learned from private, but sure sources, that the people in many districts of England, irritated at the government for scouting their petitions in the way that was done, were actually arming and forming themselves into sections for the purpose of overturning the Government, or compelling it to redress their numerous grievances. And Richmond strongly urged the propriety of adopting a similar line of conduct in this important part of Scotland, and that every person entertaining his views, (luckily there were few,) should form themselves into a secret body-and organize themselves for the occasion, after first subscribing "an indissoluble Bond, and taking a solemn Oath to lend their united aid in forcing a complete Reform in the Representation." Richmond added, that if M'Kimmie would only take the lead, and make a beginning in this affair, that "he (Richmond) knew a quarter from which plenty of money could be got to defray all expenses," &c.

At this early stage of the business, M'Kimmie had really no suspicion that Richmond was the man he afterwards turned out to be; but providentially for himself, he rejected Richmond's statements and propositions with indignation, and Richmond therefore found it necessary to look out for other, and more willing tools.

He found these in the persons of John M'Lauchlane, then weaver in Calton-Macdowal Peat, then weaver in Anderston-and George Biggar, then weaver in Calton, &c., who may be said to have been his secretaries, or understrappers. Under the direction of Richmond, these persons contrived to muster an assemblage of thirteen or sixteen individuals common workmen, like themselves-in the house of Mr. William Leggat, spirit-dealer, Tradeston, Glasgow, on the evening of the 1st of January, 1817,-a period which Richmond, in the baseness of his heart, well knew, was more likely than any other in the whole year, to throw ordinary men off their guard, or to make them the least inclined to entertain suspicion, or any other uncharitable feeling towards their acquaintances.

Richmond did not think it prudent to attend this meeting himself, "My proceedings (says he, p. 66 of his Narrative,) required to be conducted with the utmost caution. I plied M'Lauchlane, who had already committed himself to me. I gave him small sums of money to relieve his necessities, regulated so as not to excite suspicion. So far (says R.,) this had the effect."

Our indignation begins to take fire at this cool, deliberate species of villainy so alluded to by Richmond himself. On the motion of his "plyed "emissary, M Lauchlane, his other emissary, Macdowal Peat, took the chair at this motley assemblage in Leggat's house, on the new-year's-day evening of 1817, and at the first convenient moment, this said emissary, Macdowal Peat, rose from his chair, and exhibited the celebrated Treasonable Oath," which had been put into his hands previously by Richmond, for that purpose!

Huch Dickson, weaver in Glasgow, who was entrapped into attendance at this meeting, printed a statement in 1825, explanitory of what took place at it. He declares, that when Peat proposed this Oath to be taken, (we shall give the precise words of it immediately,) considerable discussion arose,- "One man said, he would not take* the Oath, until he asked the advice of his minister;—another said that he must have a week to consider on it, so that we got into confusion, concerning what was to be done. Mr. Leggat would take no oath. entered into a detail of the danger that might attend it. I was so shocked from what had fallen from Leggat, that I asked John Campbell out, to whom I made some remarks-when we returned we were told that the Bond (the Oath) was agreed to, by mutual consent-that the business was finished, and that the next meeting was to be held on the 11th, in Neil Munn's, Ingram-street.

He

"A few copies of the Bond (the Oath) were written (says Dickson) from the original. Macdowal Peat took his copy and the original

* Vide Hugh Dickson's Pamphlet, 1825, p. 21.

along with him, and told us that he had an appointment in town at ten o'clock (evening), with some gentlemen, who would be happy to hear of our night's performance, and away he went. A few minutes after his departure, the meeting began to think of his impropriety in leaving them so improperly, for the purpose of seeing supposed friends; the remarks are too numerous to mention which were made on his conduct."

There can be no doubt that one of the gentlemen alluded to by Peat was his employer, Richmond. And on referring to the "Narrative," page 79, Richmond states, that "Mr. Finlay expressed great anxiety to obtain a copy of the Oath in writing, and one was accordingly procured for him." And here we beg particular attention to the following admission made by Richmond, p. 79. "This was the

identical document that made such a noise in the House of Commons, and was, I believe, perfectly correct; but as (says he) it has, like many other things that have served their purpose, long been consigned to the tomb of all the Capulets, I will here transcribe it, for the purpose of refreshing the memory of my readers."

We follow his examble in this respect, by here transcribing it for our readers.

RICHMOND'S OATH :- "In the awful presence of God, I, A. B. do solemnly swear, that I will persevere in my endeavouring to form ‹a brotherhood of affection amongst Britons of every description, who are considered worthy of confidence; and that I will persevere in my endeavours to obtain for all the people of Great Britain and Ireland, not disqualified by crimes or insanity, the elective franchise at the age of twenty-one, with free and equal Representation, and Annual Parlia ments; and that I will support the same, to the utmost of my power, either by moral or physical strength, as the case may require. And I do farther swear, that neither hopes, fears, rewards, nor punishments, shall induce me to inform on, or give evidence against, any member or members collectively or individually, for any act or expression done or made in or out, in this or similar Societies, under the punishment of death, to be inflicted on me by any member or members of such Societies. So help me, God, and keep me steadfast." This oath taken for the first time by a handful of f poor illiterate men fished out for the purpose, on the 1st of January, 1817, in the way we have described, was the beginning of this great State Cond spiracy; and on it the most senseless alarm was founded. On it numerous acts of tyranny and oppression, hitherto unexampled in Scotland, were committed against innocent men. On it the laws and liberties of the nation were for a time suspended!! ! !ona

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We shall probe this part of the affair a little more closely: And, first, although we have no evidence before us of the fact, indeed from the nature of the case, we could not be expected to have such evidence, still there seems no reason whatever to doubt that Mr. Kirkman Finlay immediately transmitted the copy of the Oath he had received to Lord Sidmouth, with whom he was at that time almost in daily correspondence; and Richmond, as we have just shown, declares that the copy of that

Oath given to Mr. Finlay, was the "identical document" that afterwards made "such a noise in the House of Commons."

Here, then, we raise strong presumptive evidence, to say the least of it, against Mr. Finlay showing that he was acting along with Richmond, or Richmond along with him. And we now proceed to follow out Richmond's own damning Narrative.

The Plot being laid, and so far carried into execution on the evening of the 1st of January 1817, it was, of course, found necessary to give it a much more imposing and formidable appearance than it then possessed numbering, as it did, only 13 or 14 weavers, some of whom almost immediately afterwards repented of the rash and foolish step they had taken. But it is seen that Macdowal Peat decamped with the original Oath the moment he got his clutches upon it, with their names. Two or three other meetings of " Conspirators," (for such they were called, and may, for ought we care, be still called,) were held, at which one or other of Richmond's emissaries, up to the State secret," was sure to preside and influence, if not direct, the whole procedure that took place. There was, for instance, a meeting in the house of Neil Munn, vintner, Ingram-street, on the IIth of January; at which the same Macdowal Peat presided. There was another in Mr. Robison's, Gallowgate, on the 18th of January, at which he also presided: another in the same place on the 15th of February, on which occasion Hugh Dickon (p. 32 of his Statement) declares that "Biggar, the spy employed by Richmond, sat with us during the whole evening; also, what is still more remarkable, Calder and Duncan, both Sheriff Officers, sat in the fore-room, and we sat in the back one ; and in the partition between the two rooms was a small window with four panes of glass, and one of the panes was broken, so whatever was said in the one could be easily heard in the other. When Biggar came to this meeting he brought, as he said, some acquaintance with him, who put the following questions:Have we had any direct communication with England? Ans. No communication with England whatever.Q. Have we any arms, or view of them? A. No arms nor views of them, neither is there any thing of that nature intended by us. Yet the Oath, before quoted, was at this meeting said to have been administered by Andrew M'Kinlay, a poor ignorant weaver in the Calton, to James Finlayson, a clerk and M'Kinlay, as is well known, was afterwards indicted for so doing. We shall advert to his extraor dinary case afterwards. Meanwhile, let us narrate what took place at the last of these meetings, which was held in the house of one Hunter, a spirit-dealer in the Old Wynd, Glasgow, on the evening of the 22d of February, 1817. "At eight o'clock, (vide Dickson's Statement, p. 37,) the Delegates met, and their reports were given in.-Biggar gave in his, as to the progress he made in Pollockshaws, for which he received two shillings. He then retired from the meeting for about half an hour, and soon after his return, the Sheriff, Mr. Salmond, the Procurator Fiscal of the County, with a number of constables, entered the room, and made the whole prisoners." They were then marched off in parties to the jail of Glasgow, where Baillies Leckie and