the public meetings; the military trainings were also partially carried on in some of the country districts, both anterior and posterior to the meeting at Manchester on the 16th of August, 1819, which may be considered the next great epoch in this DANGerous, absurd, and TRAGICAL DRAMA OF FOOLERIES. Too few facts are yet known to decide with certainty, as to who was the immediate cause of the catastrophe at Manchester, neither the Coroner's inquest, nor Mr. Hunt's trial, throwing any light upon the secret springs which moved it. It is impossible, however, to command language sufficiently strong to convey an adequate idea of reprobation against the conduct of Government for quashing all inquiry into that stain upon our national annals. Whether (says Richmond) it was in consequence of an order from a Minister of State, or the act of a self-willed local Magistracy; whether it was an error in judgment, or the effect of design; whether it was caused by Radicals, Whigs, or Ultra Tories,-humanity, public justice, and sound policy, demanded that the delinquents should not be screened; that a free and unshackled inquiry should take place, by a tribunal above the influence of local prejudice; an inquiry which could only have been made with propriety by the Great Council of the Nation, and that it was not so made is little to the honour of the majority of that August Assembly. The high hand with which every thing was thus carried, soon produced its corresponding fruits, by stimulating a set of reckless desperate men to the last act of the tragedy; AND IT APPEARS TO HAVE BEEN THE FUTURE POLICY OF THE GOVERNMENT TO ALLOW THEM FULLY TO COMMIT THEMSELVES. The limits I have prescribed for myself not allowing me to go into any lengthened detail of what followed, I shall confine myself briefly to such circumstances as have not previously been laid before the public in any connected form. "IT WAS IN LONDON, (p. 180,) AND UNDER THE VERY EYE OF GOVERNMENT, THAT THE DELUSION WAS KEPT UP, WHICH HAD THE CHIEF INFLUENCE IN MISLEADING THE POPULATION IN THE MANUFACTURING DISTRICTS, and, from its nature, bears the strongest evidence of want of vigilance, capability, or sincerity, to put an end to it. Dr. Watson, Thistlewood, and a very few others, were the inventors and executors of the scheme, which was simply as follows :They met at a public-house, and collected as many of the unemployed, idle, and dissolute of the working classes, from all quarters of London, as they were able to procure; the more indigent and illiterate the better. This assemblage, by way of eminence, was designated the Committee of Two Hundred, being self-elected, self-named, and having no other constituents than misery and distress; for it is a fact worthy the most particular attention, that at no period during the highest degree of ferment, were there any regularly organized associations in London. An attempt was made, early in 1819, to consolidate them into Union Societies, when some few oaths of secrecy were administered. But it proved completely abortive, even the nominal members never exceeding from three to four hundred, and it was almost immediately abandoned. The Committee of Two Hundred, constituted as above described, was therefore the real talisman; they being held u Lup as the representatives of an immensely numerous and powerful body, that nowhere existed but in imagination, OR PERHAPS IN THE REPORTS OF SOME OF THE GOVERNMENT EMISSARIES. By their means were all the public meetings got up, and to no less dignified materials is Hunt indebted for all his Metropolitan celebrity. "When the feelings of all classes were wrought up to the highest pitch, by the transactions at Manchester, another re-action, caused by an excess of exportation during the preceding year, had involved the manufacturing districts in the greatest distress. Thousands were thrown out of employment, and the price of labour was in many instances reduced even below the point it had reached in 1816-1817. At the same time, the Ministerial papers, to palliate, and justify the outrage at Manchester, daily, but most erroneously, and falsely asserted, that secret societies and revolutionary associations existed in London, to a great and alarming extent. The labouring population, in the Manufacturing Districts, relying on the correctness of those representations, after ineffectually exhausting every local expedient to obtain relief, considered there was no alternative, but to strike at the root of the evil by following the example of their Metropolitan brethren, who, they believed, had far outstripped them in the race of regeneration. In Scotland, where parochial assessments do not exist to an extent to operate even as a palliative in such an emergency, the distress was greater than in any part of England-ADDED TO WHICH WAS THE ROOTED HATRED AGAINST THE GOVERNMENT, PRODUCED BY THE BELIEF THAT THE PEOPLE HAD BEEN ENTRAPPED INTO THE CONSPIRACY IN 1816-17. "The embryo of an association was formed in Glasgow, and a communication opened with London by letter, which led to a regular correspondence; and in two months, the organization (says Richmond) was ramified by Delegation, into the greater part of the Manufacturing Towns in the West of Scotland, and also into part of the Counties of York and Lancaster. This connexion was formed with Thistlewood and his party; for in consequence of the eclat with which Hunt was received on his triumphant entry into London, after the affair at Manchester, considering he could then occupy higher ground, he broke with his former associates, and as an apology for his defection, charged Thistlewood with being a Spy of the Government. In the Manufacturing Districts the organization was formed strictly on the model of the Irish in 1798 the minor details were, indeed, chiefly concocted and carried into execution by emissaries who had been engaged in that rebellion in Ireland. "After the passing of the Six Acts in November 1819, when they could no longer hold public meetings, the secret organization was extended with great rapidity in Scotland. Central or Select Com mittees, consisting of only three persons, had the control over a District of a certain extent, who received all communications; and implicit confidence being placed in them, they could convey or withhold any information they thought proper. A Constitutional Reform, on the basis of Universal Suffrage and Annual Parliaments, was the ostensible pretence. But it was soon assumed and avowed, that it was only to be obtained by compulsion, and they made every preparation in their power to carry it into execution. The precise time Thistlewood first meditated the blow he intended to strike, or by what, or by whom incited, must be in some measure left to conjecture; but much anxiety prevailed at the time, and it has created much speculation since, whether it was a mere insulated act of his own, or only part of a more extended plan of operation. On positive evidence an end can be put to all ambiguity on that point. The Select Committees had been some time generally apprised, that an important and decisive measure was contemplated by the Committee in London; and when he had taken his final resolution, he acquainted them, that ten days posterior the news of a desperate stroke against their enemies would reach them; to summon all their host, have the people prepared to seize their lost rights, and be ready to follow up victory as they should be farther instructed. "No particulars of the nature of the design were communicated; but on receipt of the intelligence the Committees implicitly obeyed. Delegates were despatched in all directions, and all was whisper and conjecture. "The Select Committee at Glasgow sat for two days and nights, issuing orders and receiving information of the effect of these efforts; and on the night of the 22d of February 1820, the day previous to the arrests in Cato-street (London), a general Congress of Delegates from all the connexion in Scotland was held a few miles from Paisley. There (says Richmond) they invoked the spirit of WALLACE-SWore fidelity to each other-despatched a Delegate to the North of England, and returned to their homes scarcely breathing, with anxiety for the arrival of every successive post. "When (continues Richmond, p. 184,) the account of the fate of Thistlewood and his party at last reached them, they were staggered and confounded; some slight commotion followed around Glasgow. But as there was no simultaneous movement, as was expected, in the North of England, it soon subsided. It is not a little remarkable that GOVERNMENT DISTINCTLY KNEW, IF THEY DID NOT ABET, ALL THISTLEWOOD'S PROCEEDINGS IN LONDON. "The local authorities were aware that for some days scouts were sent from the different towns, who manifested great anxiety on the arrival of the mails, but they knew nothing more; and those who were leaders up to that date, successfully eluded their vigilance and escaped detection. "The snare into which Thistlewood and his associates had fallen, and their pending fate, the particulars of which are well known, did not put an end to the infatuation. In Scotland, when the leaders, shuddering on the brink of the precipice from which they had so narrowly escaped, hesitated and stood aloof, new Committees were chosen. Each successive change of leaders brought forward men of a lower grade, with less of intellect, but still more reckless than their predecessors. Only fearless desperation being now in requisition, all caution was laid aside, and EMISSARIES, EMPLOYED BY THE MAGISTRATES, FOUND EASY ACCESS AMONGST THEM. SOME OF THESE EMISSARIES WERE FOUND AMONGST THEIR OWN PARTY; BY WHICH MEANS THE OUTLINE OF THEIR FUTURE PLANS BECAME PERFECTLY KNOWN TO GOVERNMENT. BUT THE POLICY ADOPTED, WAS TO ALLOW THEM TO PROCEED." And now we somewhat abruptly take leave of the extraordinary Narrative of Richmond. But we cannot do so without candidly admitting, that it has assisted us greatly in our labours, so far as these have hitherto gone. Without it, indeed, we hardly think that we should have been able to bring home so directly, as we believe we have done, some of the charges we had previously advanced, with a degree of boldness, as some of our readers will probably consider, rather unusual, if not altogether unprecedented in this quarter of the empire, yet not unwarranted, as we humbly think, either by the occasion itself, or any of its attendant circumstances. Of Richmond himself we shall probably say a few words towards the end, in regard to his present occupation or pursuits. We therefore approach the Case of Hardie and Baird with a degree of anxiety commensurate with its importance.-And if ever there was a case in which a person's feelings should get the better of his cooler judgemet, then, we confess, we are placed in the predicament of having such a case fairly before us. We cannot enter upon it without emotion. The scenes already described are enough to stagger any Those to follow are tinged with BLOOD. man. PRINTED AND PUBLISHED BY MUIR, GOWANS, & CO. 42, ARGYLL-STREET, SOLD BY J. STEWART, 11, ST. JAMES'S STREET, PAISLEY; AND ALL THE BOOKSELLERS. EXPLOITS OF RICHMOND; EXPOSURE OF THE SPY SYSTEM, LETTERS OF ANDREW HARDIE, &c. We've neither safety, unity, nor peace, I dare not speak, but my heart bleeds this moment.-Otway. WHATEVER may be said of the conduct of the Administration of 1819-20, in reference to many of its proceedings, there is at least one prominent feature, which no one, even should a Polignac Administration come into existence, hesitate for one moment to ascribe to it, viz., that it was friendly to foreign Despots, and cruel to the best interests of England. In a limited publication of this sortwritten hurriedly and without much preparation, it is impossible for us to enter into many details. But we have the satisfaction of thinking that happen what will, the position which we have taken up at some disadvantage just now, will afterwards, and at no distant period, be taken up and illustrated by other hands well able to do justice to the History of England. We are, in fact, unable to avail ourselves of the one-half of the local information at our disposal, not, we can assure our readers, from any want of inclination on our part to do so-of which we humbly think they will be sufficiently satisfied from the proofs we intend to adduce in this very number, but simply because instead of a few numbers, the work would extend to several volumes, a thing which, under our present arrangements, we never contemplated, any more than our readers. We have already shown upon what foundation the case against Andrew Mackinlay and his associates was raised in 1817. Let us now see upon what foundation the case against Hardie, Baird, and Wilson, was raised in 1820. To do so properly it is necessary that we should direct the attention of our readers for a few moments to the conduct of the Government at head-quarters,-we mean in London. The Cato-street conspiracy, for which Thistlewood, and four of his companions, expiated their lives, spread terror and alarm throughout the Empire. The object of that conspiracy was said to be, “the murdering of the whole of His Majesty's then Ministers," viz., Lord Eldon, the Earl of Liverpool, Mr. Vansittart, the Earl of Bathurst, Lord Sidmouth, Lord Castlereagh, the Duke of Wellington, Mr. Canning, Mr. Robinson, Mr. B. Bathurst, Mr. Wellesley Pole, and the Earl of MulNo. V.] [Price 2d. E |