The Pueblo Indians offer most interesting problems to the historian, the archeologist, and the ethnologist. Among these people are found the oldest villages of the United States-towns populous a century before the Mayflower set sail for the New World, and continuously inhabited from that time until the present day. One of these ancient pueblos, occupying the same site that it did in very earliest times, is called Oraibi, the largest village of the province of Tusayan, in northeastern Arizona.

The accounts of the early Spanish explorers give us an imperfect picture of Tusayan culture in the latter part of the sixteenth, the seventeenth, and the eighteenth centuries, and there still remains much to be learned from documentary sources concerning Tusayan during that period. The wealth of unworked material which awaits the historian in the archives of the Indies, of the Lonja at Sevilla, and other libraries of Spain is very great, and it is to be hoped that many more years will not elapse before these manuscripts are brought from their hiding places, their quaint old script deciphered and made to reveal the secrets which they have held buried from sight for so many years.

The authentic documentary history of Tusayan began in 1540, when Coronado, the intrepid Spanish conqueror, having established himself in Cibola, sent Don Pedro de Tobar, one of his (151)

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officers, to explore a province to the northwest called Tusayan,' which was reported to contain seven cities.

Tobar crossed the arid plains which separate Cibola from Tusayan and suddenly appeared to the astonished natives not far from what is now called Jeditoh or Antelope valley, south of the then populous pueblo of Awatobi. Here probably occurred the first contact of Spaniard and Hopi, and in the episode which transpired the authentic history of Tusayan began. It is interesting to read Castañeda's straightforward account of this first. meeting of Spanish soldiers and Hopi warriors, especially as it mentions a Tusayan custom which has survived to the present day. The Indian warriors drew a line (of meal) across the trail which led to their pueblo to symbolize that the way was closed to the intruders. In the same manner they symbolically close the trails today with sacred meal, as I have described in the account of the New Fire ceremonies at Walpi. To cross that line in their warfare meant hostility; but the Spaniards, urged on by the soldier-priest, Juan de Padilla, disregarded it, charged on the Hopi warriors, who were armed with spears, arrows, and leather shields, and opened the historic epoch with bloodshed.

The middle of the sixteenth century thus came to be the date separating the prehistoric from historic times in this province. These notes concern the former period, and while much which might be gathered from early Spanish chronicles in regard to aboriginal culture in the century following Tobar's advent is probably true of the century which preceded it, I have limited my study to other than documentary sources for information.

While several methods of investigating the culture of prehistoric Tusayan are commended to our attention, there is but one which yields trustworthy data. Unwritten history in the form of legends, studies of their present and historical condition are valuable and necessary adjuncts, but archeology is par excellence the science to which we must look for accuracy in the solution

1 Tucano, Coronado's letter to Mendoza; Tucayan, Jaramillo, Relacion; Tusayan, Castañeda, Relation, Ternaux Compans; Tusayan or Tutaliaco, Castañeda, teste Winship; Tuzan, Relacion del Suceso, 1540. The name of this province shares with those of many ancient Mexican towns the termination an, which is foreign to Hopi linguistics as a locative ending. Mr Valentini suggests in a letter that Tusayan is corrupt Nahuatl, from tochli, rabbit; an, place of, "Rabbit place," an apt name of the country. It is known that Nahuatl-speaking natives accompanied Coronado. Did he use their name of the province? The suggested derivation of Tusayan from the Navaho tongue is weak, and there is no evidence that Coronado knew this Athapascan people. I find no proof that he heard the Hopi called Tusayan by the Zuñi.

of the problem. Having definitely determined which one of the numerous Tusayan ruins was prehistoric, or was destroyed before the beginning of Spanish influences, I have searched in the soil which covers it for data relating to the condition of the former inhabitants. While there are several ruins which would answer our requirements, there is one which is preeminently suited for this research. This prehistoric ruin, from which my conclusions in regard to ancient Tusayan culture are drawn, is called Sikyatki or Yellow-house, and is situated not far from villages now inhabited by some of its descendants.

With the exception of studies of architecture, our anthropological literature is very weak in information regarding ancient Tusayan life; no archeologist had seriously taken up the study of prehistoric Tusayan culture from any other side; no spade had turned a cubic foot of the soil which for over three centuries and a half had covered one of the most remarkable ruins of Arizona. Superficial excavations, however, had been made at the historic pueblo, Awatobi, a village under Spanish influences from 1629 to 1700, and the rare collection of pottery made by Mr Thomas V. Keam had familiarized us with the excellence of ancient Tusayan ceramics. Many objects in this famous collection are undoubtedly prehistoric, but from the way in which they were collected we could not be sure how many were made by potters who never saw a Spaniard. Accuracy in labels is imperative in archeology as in kindred sciences. Moreover, while ancient pottery is the most showy and commercially most valuable, objects of less intrinsic value, which a trader does not collect, had been overlooked, and although these have greatest scientific importance, none of them were known from Tusayan.

When by invitation of the Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution I was able to inaugurate archeological work in this region of Arizona I naturally turned to Sikyatki as a ruin from which could be gathered material to supply these deficiencies. The collection made at that ruin is now safely placed in the National Museum and shows better than can any words of mine the character of prehistoric industries' in Tusayan. From this collection

1 In addition to excavations at Sikyatki I made studies of the ruin of Awatobi, from which was obtained a considerable collection. The objects from Awatobi afford a fair picture of Tusayan culture in the seventeenth century, but as Catholic priests lived in this pueblo from about 1629 to 1680 many of the objects found betray European influences. A discussion of the character of Tusayan culture of the seventeenth century, as indicated by archeology, must be treated elsewhere.

as a basis I will point out a few general conclusions to which I am led by my study of it, and indicate their bearing on questions of interest to the student of American antiquities.

Before passing to more special considerations let us be reminded of a few unsolved problems which claim the attention of students of the southwestern aborigines. The culture of the region called Pueblo can be traced as far north as the vicinity of Great Salt lake, as far east as Las Vegas, New Mexico, and west to the meridian of St George, Utah, but is undefined on the south, crossing our boundary line into old Mexico. This whole region is thickly strewn, especially along its valleys, with ruins. assuming different character as environment dictates. Throughout the greater part of New Mexico and Arizona there is so close a similarity in these ruins that it may well be styled a cultus area. Its culture was evidently uniform and markedly different from that of any region in North America, finding its nearest affinity in that of the northern states of Mexico, from which it can be distinguished only with the greatest difficulty. The survivors of the former inhabitants of this region are now huddled into pueblos, near which are reservations on which live nomadic intruders, Apaches, Navahos, Utes, and others of wholly dif ferent stocks, the former especially having kinship with extreme northern tribes.

The problem whence came that prehistoric pueblo culture is an interesting one. Was it autochthonous or derivative? What is the meaning of its many resemblances to the culture of Chihuahua and Sonora? What explanation shall we give to the existence of Nahuatl words in Hopi linguistics and their wide extension among Shoshonean peoples, pointed out by the acute student Buschmann? Were the ancient people of Tusayan more closely related to the Sonoran' or the Oregonian divisions of a Shoshonean group based on similar idioms or word equations? We are emphatically told that they were wild tribes who have

1 The important discovery by Buschmann of traces of Nahuatl words in Shoshonean idioms has led to many extravagant statements by less careful observers. The similarities of the tongues is not great enough, as sometimes stated, to enable one to converse with tribes from Durango in Mexico to the Oregon rivers. The Hopi language is placed by Charencey in a group which he calls the "Oregonais," and is not considered in his Sonoran idioms. I believe the true affinity of the Hopi language is nearer to those of Sonora than to the Shoshonis and Utes, and that this Sonoran group is closer to the Nahua. Instead of extending to the Shoshonean down to include Opata and Pima, I would enlarge the Sonoran to include the Hopi, for there is a closer likeness

adopted a sedentary life; but how shall we explain the many likenesses in culture in Tusayan? Has the culture of the northern states of Mexico been derived from this region, or is the Pueblo area the northern frontier of the higher culture to the south into which it grades without break? These are questions which I believe no one can yet satisfactorily answer because of the poverty of accurate data in regard to the character of ancient Pueblo culture. The time is not yet ripe for renewed speculation, but calls for additional observations. My effort therefore was to determine as accurately as possible the nature of the prehistoric culture of the least modified section of this extensive Pueblo cultus area, believing that by so doing more trustworthy answers to these questions were possible. With this thought in mind I chose the Tusayan province as a field of inquiry. This field is not so limited as might at first be supposed. Prehistoric Tusayan pueblos were inhabited by colonists from every section of the Pueblo area, and increments came to them from north, south, east, and west, from nomads and from Pueblos. In properly defining the prehistoric culture of Tusayan we are thus offering a contribution to the probable condition of any and every part of the Pueblo area from which the components of this stock originated.

There is another unsolved problem of the southwest on which a knowledge of prehistoric Tusayan culture may shed much light. It is known that there are many likenesses between Navaho and Pueblo myths and cults which no one has yet carefully considered. In a valuable contribution to the subject Mr Hodge presents adequate evidence to show that the advent of this branch of the Athapascan stock in the Pueblo region was, historically, comparatively recent, although its kin, the Apache, came earlier. Are these relations between Tusayan and Navaho beliefs and rituals derivative, and if so to what extent? While I find our poverty of information in regard to the practices which the Navaho brought to the Pueblo region inadequate to aid me in an intelligent answer, it is possible to gather information in re

between Opata and Hopi than between the latter and northern peoples. I have not space here to give my vocabularies of Pima, Opata, and Cahita words in Tusayan and contrast them with Shoshonean, but they prove, at least to my satisfaction, that the linguistic elements which the Hopi derived from Shoshonean are much fewer than those from Sonoran sources. Hence I regard their classification as a Shoshonean people misleading, and the inclusion of the Pimas in a Shoshonean stock unnatural.