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ment, for their protection, at the close of the twentieth century many of the most interesting monuments of the prehistoric peoples of our Southwest will be little more than mounds of debris at the bases of the cliffs. A commercial spirit is leading to careless excavations for objects to sell, and walls are ruthlessly overthrown, buildings torn down in hope of a few dollars' gain. The proper designation of the way our antiquities are treated is vandalism. Students who follow us, when these cliff-houses have all disappeared and their instructive objects scattered by greed of traders, will wonder at our indifference and designate our negligence by its proper name. It would be wise legislation to prevent this vandalism as much as possible and good science to put all excavation of ruins in trained hands. In this particular we have much to learn from the European method of control of the antiquities of the country by proper authorities or societies for the protection of historical monuments.

The parts of the cliff-houses were not continuous, but the town was separated into two portions by a projecting buttress of rock. About a hundred yards to the west of the section described, in a cave with overhanging roof, we found a second group of houses, which evidently formed a part of the same cliff pueblo. Its protected position made it a more remunerative ruin for excavation, and from it were obtained many most interesting relics of the former builders. Excavations likewise revealed the general character of the masonry, particularly the line of the floor or roof of a chamber, the walls of which had fallen. In the inner rooms of this portion of Palatki we dug up several good fragments of cotton cloth, much basketry and pottery, with nets made of agave fiber. The accumulated debris on the floor was found on removal to cover a fireplace in the middle of the room and a stone box used for grinding meal. There were also many corncobs and grains of maize, the latter regarded as indicative of the food of former inhabitants. This portion of the ruin, like the former, was originally three stories high, and contained at least fifteen rooms, ranging in size from four to twenty feet in dimensions. While it is very difficult to estimate the former population by the number of rooms, a conservative guess would lead me to suspect that the two sections together may have housed one phratry. Granting this as probable, we find that the two largest phratries of "** i have sixty-eight and fifty

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a like meaning. The fact which I would extract from this word equation may be interesting, and for that purpose I turn to Tusayan mythology. The heroic Tiyo was the offspring of no less a personage than the solar deity, a parthenogetic child of a maid who appears in story as an earth-goddess. Civo in Piman lore was likewise miraculously born, and by analogy I suspect his father, like Tiyo's, was the sun. Casa Grande, if I am not mistaken, was the House of the Sun by Piman word-analysis and Hopi mythology. It is interesting, in view of this hypothesis, to remember that in 1697 Father Sedelmair wrote that the Pimas told him that the "sovereign" of the builders of Casa Grande looked at the sun as it rose and set through round openings in one of the rooms. One of these lookouts still remains in the west wall of the north chamber of that ruin. The statements of the Pimas in 1697 no less than the name, as interpreted by Hopi linguistics, connect this building with sun worship.

There are many similarities between Piman and Hopi words which point to relations between these people, and legends among both connect the Hopi with the ruins of the Gila. There is a group of Tusayan people who claim to have lived in the far south, and we have the Verde valley, with continuous evidences of population, almost in a direct line of migration. Is it too much to suppose a connection between the two?

The Pimas, however, declare that the former inhabitants of the Verde valley were hostile to them, implying, according to some writers, a different stock. I would not so interpret the premise, for we know that people of the same pueblo province, as those of Awatobi and Walpi in Tusayan, were enemies, and that the former village was destroyed by the latter at the close of the year 1700.

There is a bit of archeological evidence which is interesting in connection with the supposed relation between the ruins of the Gila valley and those of Tusayan. One of the marked peculiarities of the stone implements from the Gila ruins is the perfection of the polished stone celts. Among a people who live on sandy plains a stone implement means more and is, as a rule, better polished than in a rocky country, where stones are abundant. The celts found near Casa Grande and the ruins near Tempe are of finest polish, and can readily be distinguished from those made at Tusayan. The rock is different, the workmanship

superior. Among the many stone implements which I have found at Awatobi, in Tusayan, there were two stone hatchets made of a kind of rock not found in that region, but identical with those from mounds near Tempe. I believe that the existence of these in Tusayan shows that they have traveled, either by barter or in the hands of migratory bands, from the Gila to Moki. While this conclusion is hypothetical, it is probable, for there is no doubt that Pacific coast marine shells have traveled into Tusayan over a much greater distance.

The legendary history of the Hopi, as of many other Indians, is at best vague, but I was much impressed, in speaking to one of the best traditionists of the Water House people in Sitcomovi concerning Montezuma Well, to learn that he knew considerable lore which might be connected with that remarkable crater-like spring, and that his people in their northern migration once lived there. He declared that this place was not unlike one of the reputed homes of the great plumed snake, and described to me the way he had been told the water boiled from the spring into the neighboring creek. While information of this kind can hardly be dignified by the name of science, it is certainly remarkable when taken in connection with other data pointing to the migration of peoples through the Verde valley to join the Hopi.

From many considerations of a comparative nature it is probable that man early in his culture development sought caves for shelter before erecting buildings of masonry, and from that early architecture naturally developed walled dwellings. That this sequence holds in many lands there can hardly be a doubt, but that it is of universal application is improbable. It is unnecessary to regard this order of development a universal law, and by no means certain that other ways of development of housebuilders were not true. Cave dwellings do not always antedate walled houses, and we often find civilized people reverting to caves for houses. You can see, for instance, the Spanish gypsies of Granada dwelling in caves today in sight of the Alhambra, and yet there is no evidence that this manner of life is a survival among these people. It is probable that it is a reversionary stage, but more likely a specially adaptive condition. In a similar way we may interpret cavate dwellings, cliff-houses, and like habitations in our Southwest. Instead of regarding cliff-houses

as a first stage in the evolution of pueblo architecture, we may consider them no older in time or development than the villages of the plains. For aught we know, the pueblo people may have lived in brush houses or skin tipis before they built stone dwellings.

The one important general conclusion to which I am led by a study of the two cliff-houses of the Red Rocks may strike the reader as trite, but its recognition in all its bearings is of fundamental importance in researches on ruins of the Southwest. Briefly stated, it is as follows: Differences in habitations are not indicative of culture stages, but are due to surroundings, to emergencies. There are instances which might be quoted where the building instinct has been so much discouraged by misfortunes that the same people who once erected stone buildings of size are represented today by descendants living in brush houses or temporary dwellings of rudest construction.

But this influence of surroundings must not be called upon to account for too much. The uniformity of pueblo culture is in part due to unity of origin, contact, and derivation. Although fully recognizing that certain similarities may be developed in human culture by acculturation, there is a limit to the theory of independent origin which has been overstepped by some of the advocates of this hypothesis. A vigorous protest against wild theories of kinship based without discrimination on points of resemblance is well made, but to ascribe all similarities to independent origin, to smother the comparative method entirely on account of its abuse in some quarters, is equally fallacious. The culture of the pueblos from the Rio Grande to Tusayan, from the San Juan to the Gila, ancient and modern, is uniform, notwithstanding intrusion of foreign blood, not because similar environment has led independently to a similarity in different regions, but from unity of origin, migrations, contact, intermarriage, and assimilation. The distinctive elements of that culture have too many resemblances in detail to have originated independently, even if we overlook contact resulting from migration, wars, barter, and intermarriage.

Entering the section of Honanki which has been described, we find it divided into a series of inclosures communicating with each other from one end to the other. The nicely plastered walls still show the soot of former fires, while in several of the chambers the beams are still in place. This part of Honanki was three stories high, as shown by the evidence of flooring. The vertical cliff which formed the back of the rooms was in several places covered with soot and scored with pictographs. From that portion of Honanki which has been described the ruin extends along the cliff for an eighth of a mile and consists of a series of rooms plastered to the face of the precipice. The front wall of this row of chambers has fallen, and although the lateral walls are in place they are much dilapidated. The appearance indicates that there were two tiers of rooms, and that in places there were two parallel rows. It is not rare to find small granaries back of these rooms, separated from them by a rear wall of the chamber.

The excavations in the floor of these rooms of Honanki were more thorough than at Palatki, and revealed a number of objects of interest to the archeologist. Here was found a fine board identical with that still used by the Tusayan Indians in kindling fire on certain ceremonial occasions. A small reed within which was a wad of cotton somewhat charred was likewise found near a fireplace. The general form of this implement led me to suspect that it was a slow-match to conserve fire after it had been kindled by primitive methods. There were many specimens of sandals made of yucca fiber, cloth of cotton and agave, netting, and open-mesh woven cloth identical in pattern with leggings worn by a supernatural personification who performs a striking role in certain ceremonial performances at Tusayan today.

Of more than usual interest was a stone implement cemented with pitch into a wooden handle, a kind of instrument thus far not reported from other cliff-houses. To enumerate the different kinds of pottery obtained in our shallow excavations would take me into a too technical discussion of the small collection, but it may be mentioned that all the various forms of coiled ware, with fragments of black and white and red decorated vessels, were well represented. In all instances the decorations of the smooth varieties was in geometrical patterns.

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