Tarahumari Indians of northern Mexico, among whom, according to Lumholtz, the maiden is a persistent wooer, employing a repertoire of really exquisite love songs to soften the heart of the reluctant swain, yet is finally successful only in a public ceremonial in which her charmer is intoxicated.' Essentially the same stage, too, is represented by the Seneca Indians, a tribe more warlike than the Zuñi and Tarahumari, though less so than the Seri, and among whom mother-descent holds even today on their reservation surrounded by white men. Under these conditions in this stage clan exogamy persists and tribal endogamy remains a clearly established law, though with regulated sanctions for its suspension in warfare or for federate benefit, while the monogamic law is definitely crystallized, though relaxed in the special cases of chiefs and other leading men, presumptively at first through conditions arising in the taking of female captives; at the same time mating is a collective rather than an individual function, regulated by the elder-women and other leaders, though not at all to the exclusion of personal choice; and although the real overture appears to initiate with the prospective groom, the tangible and ceremonial overture comes from the would-be bride in the form of a wedding loaf. Here, too, the marriage is characterized by absence of presents and all semblance of purchaseprice, while the material and moral tests are apparently superseded by the judgment of the elders and the divination of the shamans.

Of such are the marital regulations and customs among typical American tribes organized on the basis of mother-descent. The characteristic features are monogamy (incomplete only in the higher stage), clan exogamy, and tribal endogamy (also modified in the higher stage); and their essential qualities-which it is the purpose of this writing to enunciate-seem to be the collective motive coupled with absence of purchase, and rudimentary or inchoate personal inclination, save possibly toward maternity.

In the stage represented by the Indians of British Columbia, as described by Boas, in which mother-descent is merged with

These ceremonials of the southwestern aborigines of this continent are of special interest as indices to the development of a remarkable Bacchanalian or Aphrodisian cult, well known in the Orient, apparently, and, in view of the collective motive evi dently, developed to the end that the tribes and peoples might be encouraged to increase and multiply and possess the fecund earth.

or passed into paternal organization, many survivals and some modifications of primitive marriage are found: The moral test of the Seri seems to be lost, save for a curious vestige in the antenuptial treatment of the groom among the Salish, while the material test is transmuted, particularly among the Kwakiutl, into a display of accumulated fruits of industry on the part of the groom and a temporary exchange of property, without anything approaching real purchase; and the would-be groom is the suitor. At the same time the laws of monogamy, clan exogamy, and tribal endogamy seem to be materially relaxed. In this stage, too, the power of divorce, hitherto residing in the woman, is modified by the fixing of a penalty in the form of a fine on her parents; so, too, the primary motive for mating is personal inclination, though expressions of the collective motive appear in the public character of the wooing, in the participation of the elders, and in the transmuted tests of the suitor. Similarly in the stage, or the succession of substages, represented by the Omaha and neighboring Siouan Indians, a combination of survivals and modifications of primitive marriage is found; both clan exogamy and tribal endogamy persist, with extensive sanctions for suspension; the monogamic principle is almost wholly lost and polygyny or concubinage is general, with certain limitations fixed by material considerations. In this stage the groom is the suitor (though there are significant vestiges of the more primitive condition in certain customs), and the husband assumes the power of divorce and of punishment for infidelity, and wheresoever polygyny is well established a part or all of the wives are practically enslaved. In this stage, too, the making of presents to curry favor, and even actual wife-purchase, become conspicuous. Conversely to these modifications, the collective motive for control of mating is feeble or lost, and individual inclination or baser appetite becomes dominant. Between this stage and that represented by the patriarchs of old there are many parallels. In Syria the social organization was paternal, and clan exogamy and tribal endogamy were preferred, though often neglected; polygyny and definite concubinage were common, and monogamy seems to have been rather accidental than otherwise; while, conformably, the man was the suitor, the holder of the power of divorce, and the practical enslaver of the supernumerary wives and concubines. Here, too, the collective

motive was obsolescent, though significant vestiges remained, e. g., in the sending of a servant into the land of the forefathers to find a fit wife for the son. Coupled with other modifications, there was a fairly definite wife-purchase in the form either of suitable presents or adequate service to the maiden's kindred. A significant extension of tribal exogamy with concurrent elimination of clan endogamy (perhaps characteristic of nomadism) appears in the customary consanguinity between the patriarchs and their consorts.

Of such are the marital regulations and observances among several peoples reckoning kinship largely or wholly in the male line. The characteristics are limited or unlimited polygyny, with vestigeal rather than actual clan exogamy and tribal endogamy, together with, at least in the higher stages, complete subordination or even partial enslavement of women; while the typical quality of marriage in these stages is no longer the collective motive so much as personal inclination.

Recapitulating the history of marriage as read from typical stages, chiefly American, it would appear that human mating began in rather apathetic monogamy (with possible antecedent polyandry) coupled with strict tribal endogamy, accompanied or soon followed by clan exogamy; that the mother was at first the dominant member of the consanguineous family, shaping the destiny of the clan through the aid of clan brothers; and that the mating was regulated by collective motive rather than individual caprice. It would also appear that as the clans grew into tribes and confederacies, and paternal organization was developed, polygyny sprung and waxed, while the tribal endogamy and in turn the clan exogamy more gradually waned; that the collective motive gradually faded and gave place to individual caprice, with a growing tendency toward wife-purchase and concomitant degradation of woman; and that this change from the general to the personal was accompanied by the differentiation of virility and muliebrity, sometimes to an extravagant and maleficent

1 The widespread fallacy that human marriage began in promiscuity and evolved toward monogamy has been admirably corrected by Westermarck in his epoch-marking work on "The history of human marriage," published in several editions and translations. The course of development of marital institutions ist ouched by the writer in a preliminary sketch of "The Siouan Indians" (Fifteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology for 1893-'94 [1896], pp. 201-203).

degree. Finally, it would appear that the course of development was shaped at each stage by the survival of the fittest among the groups, under the conditions by which they were severally environed; and it may be noted that vestigeal traces of all of the primitive stages, especially of the later, may be perceived in the modern conjugal system of exoteric monogamy, with sequential plurality of consorts and esoteric promiscuity.

Summarizing the tendencies revealed in this history, it would appear that the course of evolution has been from the simple to the complex, from the definite to the indefinite, from the general to the special, from the fixed to the variable, from the involuntary to the voluntary, from the mechanical to the spontaneous, from the provincial to the cosmopolitan, or, in brief, from the chiefly biotic to the wholly demotic.

BOOK REVIEWS

The Natives of Sarawak and British North Borneo. By Henry Ling Roth. Two volumes, large 8°, pp. 464-540. Over 550 illustrations, and map. London, Truslove & Hanson; New York, Truslove & Comba. Price, £3 ($15).

In these two large and admirably printed volumes we have a laborious and excellent presentation of all the anthropological material known of the native tribes of North Borneo-the Dyaks, Malays, Sarawaks, etc. Much of it is from unpublished sources, especially the notes of H. B. Low, who possessed an intimate knowledge of the natives, and those of Archdeacon Perham, who had lived among them as a missionary. Much of it, also, is translated from Dutch sources not likely to come to the knowledge of the English reader, and from other out-of-the way authorities.

Mr Andrew Lang contributes a preface in his usual cheery vein, and the numerous well-printed engravings and photogravures render the volumes highly attractive to the eye. The author examines all the features of native life. He begins with the always indispensable geographical information about their location, passes to their physical traits, refers to their character, their families, and marriage ties, the disposal of the dead, their religion, medicine men, legends, daily life, agriculture, hunting and fishing. This occupies the first volume.

In it the two chapters on religion are noteworthy for the original myths and chants they contain. These were collected by Archdeacon Perham, and are printed in the native dialects, with translations. Several of them refer to the mysterious and all-pervading power which the Sea Dyaks speak of as Petara, and of whom they sing that he was:

Patu, nadai apai,

Endang nadai indai.

An orphan, without father,
Even without mother.

To define this belief, whether monotheistic or polytheistic, distinctly puzzles the Archdeacon, for they say of superior men, "They are petara," and, again, that every man has his own petara.

This is precisely as the Polynesians employ the term mania; the Quichuas, huaca; the Sioux, wakan, etc, signifying "the Divine," which may or may not be individualized, but exists as the essence of nature. The legends given are curious and suggestive, but in some the influence of India is unmistakable. In fact, it may be said of the Dyak mythology that it is deeply colored with foreign additions, and further studies are necessary to determine what portions of it are truly indigenous and ethnic. The legends quoted relate to the creation and the deluge, the origin of the tribes, animal stories, about water and mountain spirits, and one very entertaining piece, "The story of the Ancient Traveler whose coming is unknown," which narrates the war raid of their legendary hero Klieng to the skies.

The second volume deals with the habitations and arts of weaving, dyeing, and dressing; painting and tatooing; wars, weapons, and the famous "head-hunting; " their poisons; slaves, sacrifices, and cannibalism; their government and useful arts; music, language, and archeology. To this is subjoined in an appendix a large number of vocabularies and ethnographical

notes.

There is no doubt the natives were at one time cannibals, but the habit has fallen so much into disuse that scarcely an European can be mentioned who professes to have witnessed it.

It has been often stated that the Dyaks have an ancient and peculiar alphabet in which they write their records. This has not been supported by Mr Roth's scrutiny of the evidence. The