22 ACQUITTAL OF REEVES. CH. XXXVI. any educated man, woman, or child. The treatise of Filmer on Divine Right, to which we are indebted for Locke's admirable essay on Government, was an able and moderate performance compared with the work of Mr. Reeves; yet such was the irritable state of the popular party, within as well as without the walls of Parliament, that this insignificant author was assailed with a vehemence and pertinacity as if he had been the most formidable opponent of the liberties of the nation. Erskine, fresh from the defence of Hardy and Thelwall, loudly called for prosecution against a dangerous and malicious libeller. Fox declared, that this unreadable treatise had a far more dangerous tendency than anything which had emanated from the Constitutional and Corresponding Societies. Sheridan insisted, that the audacious pamphleteer should be prosecuted by the AttorneyGeneral, that the Crown should be addressed to dismiss him from his employment; that he should be summoned to the bar, reprimanded by the Speaker, and made to disown his published opinions, and that his tract should be burned by the hangman. Ultimately the Attorney-General was directed to prosecute; but the jury had the good sense to see that speculative writings, however dull and absurd, were not fit subjects for penal procedure. Mr. Reeves was, therefore, very properly acquitted. Barracks. * An attempt was made to cast censure on the Government for having expended a considerable sum in the erection of barracks within the United Kingdom, as if a design had been entertained of overawing the people by the establishment of inland fortresses. But the old constitutional jealousy of standing armies, however suitable to the times in which it prevailed, had now become obsolete; and, notwithstanding the unconstitutional restrictions * He held a small place in Lord Hawkesbury's office. 1796. ERECTION OF BARRACKS. 23 on freedom of discussion, which had recently been imposed, it was too late to alarm the people with any serious apprehension that their liberties were in danger from military power. If, then, the exigencies of modern times required the presence of an army within the realm, it was but reasonable that it should be housed. The practice of billeting soldiers had, from early times, been complained of as one of the grievances of the subject; and it was only a mitigation of the grievance, that one particular class of tradesmen should be compelled to entertain these unwelcome guests. Much nonsense was talked about the British soldier not having divested himself of the character of a citizen; a theory from which it was to be inferred, that an ale-house was the best place for maintaining this composite character. But a soldier without discipline is useless, and dangerous to everybody but the enemy; and discipline cannot be maintained for any length of time, over an army cantoned in the public-houses of populous towns. The extension of the barrack system was generally acknowledged to be one of the most useful measures of the administration. The Chancellor of the Exchequer brought forward his budget before Christmas. He bor- Loan and new rowed eighteen millions, and among the taxes. new taxes which he proposed, to defray the interest of this loan, were a duty on legacies, and a duty on collateral successions to real estate. The former tax, after some discussion, was voted by the large majority which usually supported the Government, especially on questions of finance. But the succession duty met with a different reception. It was pursued through all its stages with violent opposition, the country gentlemen following Fox and Sheridan, instead of the leader whose call they usually obeyed with implicit submission. At length, the third reading of the bill was carried only by the casting vote 24 ATTEMPT TO OPEN NEGOTIATIONS WITH CH. XXXVI. Selfish conduct of the landed interest. of the Speaker. The consequence was, that this part of the measure was abandoned. The landed interest wholly failed to establish a claim to exemption from a burden which they willingly imposed on personal property; and their conduct on this occasion was a far weightier argument for a reform in the representation than any which had been discovered by the Corresponding Societies, or the demagogues of the platform. The vote on the succession-duty was an abuse of power; it was a vote which could hardly have been agreed to by an assembly, the majority of which acknowledged constituents to whom they were responsible. Cessation of the But The cessation of the Reign of Terror in France, and the establishment of institutions which Reign of Terror. made provision for a regular and responsible Government, afforded the English Cabinet the much-desired opportunity of making overtures for peace. Accordingly, on the day after he had opened his budget, the minister brought down a message from the Crown, announcing that His Majesty was ready to open a negotiation with the French Government. The royal message anticipated a motion to the same effect, of which Grey had given notice. the Opposition were not disarmed. They were shocked at the inconsistency of the ministers, in proposing peace with a Government composed of the same persons whom they had before objected to as incapable of making a binding treaty; and an amendment to the address was moved, because the message implied, that if the French Government should happen to undergo another change, the negotiation might be broken off. Grey himself asserted that the object of the message was merely to favour the contractors for the loan. But the recognition of the French Republic, though it must be the consequence of a treaty, and might be insisted on as a preliminary to negotiation, could hardly, with due regard to the dignity 1796. THE FRENCH GOVERNMENT. 25 of Great Britain, be conceded upon the first overture for peace. Another party in the country, still smaller than that of the regular Opposition, objected to treat with the French Government on plainer grounds. This was the original war party, comprising, at one time, the great majority of the upper and middle classes, who entered upon the war, not for the purpose of vindicating the inviolability of the Scheldt, but to put down democracy in France. To this idea, long since exploded by statesmen as a principle of action, a few precise politicians still adhered. Lord Fitzwilliam maintained this principle, which had at the outset been avowed by the Duke of Portland, and the other Whig chiefs, who had joined the administration. Windham, though he continued in the Cabinet, also disapproved, on the same ground, of any attempt to make peace. Fitzwilliam, however, found no support, so weary of the war had all classes become. The cavils of the Opposition were equally discouraged, and their amendments to the address were negatived without division in both Houses. Nevertheless, the peace was conducted as languidly as the war. It was not until three months after the King's message to Parliament, that the proposal to treat was first communicated indirectly to the French Government. The French minister at Berne was requested, through the British plenipotentiary at the same Court, to ascertain whether his Government were willing to settle, in Congress, the terms of a general peace? And if so, upon what basis they would be prepared to discuss such a proposal? The answer of the French Directory was prompt and decisive. They intimated, in a tone and language hitherto unknown to diplomatic courtesy, that the offer of the British Government was insincere and delusive, and only made with the view of acquiring that character for moderation which attaches to the first proposal for a cessation of hostilities. But lest 26 DEFIANT ATTITUDE OF THE FRENCH CH. XXXVI. this rebuff should not be sufficient, they went on to declare, that no proposal would be listened to which involved the cession of any territory annexed to France; in other words, that they meant to retain the Low Countries. This reply, of course, put a stop to further negotiation; and the Court of London had only to address a note to their allies, pointing out the inadmissible pretensions which precluded the possibility of laying the basis of a treaty. Opposition against negotiation. The Opposition, who found fault with the Ministry for the attempt to make peace, were indignant at the failure of the attempt; and so little did they regard the temper of the nation, and the plain sense of the proceeding, that they undertook to defend the insolence and arrogance of the French democracy. Fox moved an address to the Crown, in which the argument of the French reply to the English overture was amplified, and its offensive language even was adopted. Pitt had an easy victory in repelling such an attack as this; several members of the Opposition joined the large majority which rejected Fox's motion. Persistence of Nevertheless, the Ministry were so intent on peace, that they determined to persevere in their the Ministry. endeavours to open a negotiation. They tried the mediation of the King of Prussia, but without success. They then engaged the good offices of the Danish Ambassador at London to solicit, through the agent of his Government at Paris, a passport for an English plenipotentiary. Even this advance was rejected. The domineering Republic refused to listen to a proposal for peace through any intermediate channel; and required the plenipotentiary of their enemy to attend at the French frontier, there to await the pleasure of the Directory. England was not quite so reduced as to supplicate for peace in this way; but the Government were not deterred from making a final effort to obtain a hearing. They |