"as the Federal party pursue their high ground of integrity and principle, I shall not despair of the public weal, but if they quit it and descend to be the willing instruments of the elevation of the most unfit and most dangerous man of the community to the highest station in the Government, I shall no longer see any anchor for the hopes of good men. I shall at once anticipate all the evils that a daring and unprincipled ambition, wielding the lever of Jacobinism, can bring upon an infatuated country. ** "Tis not to the chapter of accidents, that we ought to trust the Government, peace and happiness of our country. "Tis enough for us to know that Mr. Burr is one of the most unprincipled men in the United States, to determine us to decline being responsible for the precarious issues of his calculations of interest.

*

You cannot in my opinion render a greater service to your Country, than by exerting your influence to counteract the impolitic and impure idea of raising Mr. Burr to the Chief Magistracy."

The Federalists of South Carolina reasoned, "if Burr's Presidency were productive of evil, that it would be easy to excite jealousy as to his motives, and to get rid of him; and opposed by the Virginia party, that it would be his interest to conciliate the Federalists. They were assured by Burr, that he was disposed to maintain and expand their systems. Were he to attempt an usurpation, that he would endeavor to accomplish his ends by the union of daring spirits, and could be easily resisted. If Jefferson were disposed to make what, he would term it, an improvement of our Constitution, the attempt would be fatal, for he would begin by democratizing the people and throwing every thing into their hands." *

* John Rutledge to Hamilton, January 10, 1801.

While such considerations influenced the South, Gou verneur Morris wrote to Hamilton:

"Some, indeed, most of our Eastern friends, are warm in support of Burr; and their pride is so much up about the charge of influence, that it is dangerous to quote an opinion. I trust they will change or be disappointed, for they appear to be moved by passion only. I have, more at the request of others, than from my own mere motion, suggested certain considerations, not quite unworthy of attention, but it is dangerous to be impartial in politics. You who are temperate in drinking have never perhaps noticed the awkward situation of a man, who continues sober after the company are drunk."

Hamilton wrote:

"I hasten to give you some information which may be useful. I know as a fact, that overtures have been made by leading individuals of the Federal party to Burr, who declines to give any assurances respecting his future intentions and conduct, saying, that to do it might injure him with his friends, and prevent their co-operation; that all ought to be inferred from the necessity of his future situation, as it regarded the disappointment and animosity of the Anti-Federalists; that the Federalists, relying upon this, might proceed in the certainty that, upon a second ballot, New York and Tennessee would join him.

"It is likewise ascertained, that he perfectly understands himself with Edward Livingston, who will be his agent at the seat of government. Thus you see that Mr. Burr is resolved to preserve himself in a situation to adhere to his former friends, engagements, and projects; and to use the Federalists as the tools of his aggrandizement.

"The hope that by his election he will be separated from the AntiFederalists, is a perfect farce. He will satisfy them that he has kept himself free to continue his relations to them, and as many of them are secretly attached to him, they will all be speedily induced to rally under his standard, to which he will add the unprincipled of our party, and he will laugh at the rest. It is a fact, that Mr. Burr is now in frequent and close conference with a Frenchman, who is suspected of being an agent of the French government, and it is not to be doubted that he will be the firm ally of Bonaparte.

"You are at liberty to show this letter to such friends as you think fit, especially Mr. Bayard, of Delaware, in whose principles and sound

sense I have much confidence. Depend on it, men never played a more foolish game than will do the Federalists, if they support Burr."

It was important to produce an impression upon Pennsylvania. With this view, Hamilton also wrote to Ross, the able and distinguished Senator from that State :

"Letters which myself and others have received from Washington, give me much alarm at the prospect that Mr. Burr may be supported by the Federalists in preference to Mr. Jefferson. Be assured, my dear sir, that this would be a fatal mistake. From a thorough knowledge of the characters, I can pronounce with confidence, that Mr. Burr is the last man in the United States to be supported by the Federalists.

"First. It is an opinion firmly entertained by his enemies, and not disputed by his friends, that, as a man, he is deficient in honesty. Some very sad stories are related of him. That he is bankrupt for a large deficit is certain. Second. As a politician, discerning men of both parties admit that he has but one principle-to get power by any means, and to keep it by all means. Third. Of an ambition too irregular and inordinate to be content with institutions that leave his power precarious, he is of too bold and sanguine a temper to think any thing too hazardous to be attempted, or too difficult to be accomplished. Fourth. As to talents, they are great for management and intrigue—but he is yet to give the first proofs that they arc equal to the art of governing well. Fifth. As to his theory, no man can tell what it is. Institutions that would serve his own purposes, (such as the Government of France of the present day,) not such as would promise lasting prosperity and glory to the country, would be his preference, because he cares only for himself, and nothing for his country or glory. Sixth. Certain that his irregular ambition cannot be supported by good men, he will court and employ the worst men of all parties as the most eligible instruments. Jacobinism in its most pernicious form will scourge the country. Seventh. As to foreign politics, war will be a necessary mean of power and wealth. The animosity to the British will be the handle by which he will attempt to wield the nation to that point. Within a fortnight, he has advocated positions, which, if acted upon, would in six months place us in a state of war with that power. From the elevation of such a man may Heaven preserve the country. Should

it be by the means of the Federalists, I should at once despair. I should see no longer any thing upon which to rest the hope of public or private prosperity.

"No. Let the Federalists vote for Jefferson. But, as they have much in their power, let them improve the situation to obtain some assurances from him. 1. The preservation of the actual system of finance and public credit. 2. The support and gradual increase of the navy. 3. A bona fide neutrality towards the belligerent powers. 4. The preservation in office of our friends, except in the great departments, in respect to which and to future appointments he ought to be at liberty to promote his friends."

Reasons similar to those he had before urged were added in favor of ratifying the Convention with France, VOL. VII.-29

CHAPTER CLVII.

NOTWITHSTANDING the earnest persevering advice of Hamilton, distrust of Jefferson, a hope of dividing the Democratic party by the elevation of Burr, and indignation at the injurious influence of Southern politics upon the interests of the navigating States, were seen to operate powerfully. The inclination of the Federalists to throw their vote in that direction increased.

Sedgewick again wrote Hamilton a letter,* which was obviously the result of more than one mind:

"No decision is yet had, though there is, I believe, a strong preponderance of opinion against Jefferson. In his favor, it is said, that it was the intention, that he should be elected President, of a large majority of those who voted for him. But wherefore was this preference given to him? Because, it is answered, he was known to be hostile to all those great systems of administration, the combined effect of which is our national prosperity and all we possess of national character and respectability; because he is a sincere and enthusiastic Democrat in principle, plausible in manners, crafty in conduct, persevering in the pursuit of his object, regardless of the means by which it is attained, and equally regardless of an adherence to truth, as is demonstrated by his letter to Mazzei, his declarations in the Senate, on his first taking his seat there, &c., &c.; because he is known to be devoted to the views of those men, in his State, whose unceasing effort, it has been, and is, to reduce in practice, the administration of this government to

* Hamilton's Works, vi. 511. January 10, 1801.