But, sir, it seems that we, who are opposed to this resolution, are men of no nerves-who trembled in the days of the British treaty-cowards (I presume) in the reign of terror! Is this true? Hunt up the journals; let our actions tell. We pursue our unshaken course. We care not for the nations of Europe, but make foreign relations bend to our political principles, and subserve our country's interest. We have no wish to see another Actium, or Pharsalia, or the lieutenants of a modern Alexander, playing at piquet, or all-fours, for the empire of the world. 'Tis poor comfort to us to be told that France has too decided a taste for luxurious things to meddle with us; that Egypt is her object, or the coast of Barbary, and at the worst we shall be the last devoured. We are enamored with neither nation--we would play their own game upon them, use them for our interest and convenience. But with all my abhorrence of the British Government, I should not hesitate between Westminster Hall and a Middlesex jury, on the one hand, and the wood of Vincennes, and a file of grenadiers, on the other. That jury trial which walked with Horne Tooke, and Hardy, through the flames of ministerial persecution, is, I confess, more to my taste, than the trial of the Duke d'Enghien. Mr. Chairman, I am sensible of having detained the committee longer than I ought-certainly much longer than I intended. I am equally sensible of their politeness, and not less so, sir, of your patient attention. It is your own indulgence, sir, badly requited indeed, to which you owe this persecution. I might offer another apology for these undigested, desultory remarks; my never having seen the Treasury documents. Until I came into the House this morning, I have been stretched on a sick-bed. But when I behold the affairs of this nation, instead of being where I hoped, and the people believed they were, in the hands of responsible men, committed to Tom, Dick, and Harry-to the refuse of the retail trade of politics—I do feel, I cannot help feeling, the most deep and serious concern. If the executive Government would step forward and say, "such is our plan—such is our opinion, and such are our reasons in support of it," I would meet it fairly, would openly oppose, or pledge myself to support it. But without compass or polar star, I will not launch into an ocean of unexplored measures, which stand condemned by all the information to which I have access. The constitution of the United States declares it to be the province and duty of the President "to give to Congress, from time to time, information of the state of the Union, and recommend to their consideration such measures as he shall judge expedient and necessary." Has he done it? I know, sir, that we may say, and do say, that we are independent (would it were true); as free to give a direction to the executive as to receive it from him. But do what you will, foreign relations-every measure short of war, and even the course of hostilities, depend upon him. He stands at the helm, and must guide the vessel of state. You give him money to buy Florida, and he purchases Louisiana. You may furnish means-the application of those means rests with him. Let not the master and mate go below when the ship is in distress, and throw the responsibility upon the cook and the cabin-boy. I said so when your doors were shut: I scorn to say less now that they are open. Gentlemen may say what they please. They may put an insignificant individual to the ban of the republic; I shall not alter my course. I blush with indignation at the misrepresentations which have gone forth in the public prints of our proceedings, public and private. Are the people of the United States, the real sovereigns of the country, unworthy of knowing what, there is too much reason to believe, has been communicated to the privileged spies of foreign governments? I think our citizens just as well entitled to know what has passed, as the Marquis Yrujo, who has bearded your President to his face, insulted your Government within its own peculiar jurisdiction, and outraged all decency. Do you mistake this diplomatic puppet for an automaton? He has orders for all he does. Take his instructions from his pocket to-morrow, they are signed "Charles Maurice Talleyrand." Let the nation know what they have to depend upon. Be true to them, and (trust me) they will prove true to themselves and to you. The people are honest; now at home at their ploughs, not dreaming of what you are about. But the spirit of inquiry, that has too long slept, will be, must be, awakened. Let them begin to think; not to say such things are proper because they have been done -but what has been done? and wherefore?-and all will be right. JOSEPH STORY 1779-1845 Joseph Story was born at Marblehead, Massachusetts, September 18, 1779. At the age of nineteen he was graduated from Harvard and began the study of law. After his admission to the bar, in 1801, he began the practice of his profession in Salem. He devoted much time to the study of the black-letter law of England, and soon mastered the technical rules governing the law of real property. His rise in the profession was rapid and he soon ranked among the foremost members of the bar of his State. As a representative for Salem in the State Legislature he opposed, in a vigorous and effective speech, the repeal of the Embargo Act. Later, owing to changed conditions, he advocated its repeal. Re-elected in 1811, he became speaker of the Massachusetts Legislature, and in November of the same year, at the age of thirty-two, was appointed an associate judge of the Supreme Court of the United States by President Madison. Questions came before him of admiralty law, law of salvage, and prize laws, which were then unsettled and imperfectly understood. It is thus easily inferred how far-reaching in their results and how important were his labors during this period. He denounced the slave-trade, and by the position he took on the question did much toward the extinction of that traffic. With the foundation of a professorship of law at Harvard by Nathan Dane in 1829, especially created and endowed for him, begins a new period in Story's life. As a teacher he was immensely popular, and by his devotion and enthusiasm for his subject, his sympathy with students, his great learning and fluency, was eminently fitted for these duties. Judge Story is perhaps most widely known by his commentaries on the Constitution of the United States-though his works on public law may be more appreciated by the members of his profession. His legal opinions are recognized not only in America, but by British and Continental judges, as the highest authority. Judge Story's literary labors were not confined to his legal works. He delivered many discourses and was a constant contributor to contemporary literature, especially to the " North American Review" and the American Jurist." His speech on the "Characteristics of the Age" is a polished, scholarly address, filled with clear-cut, logical reasoning, and adorned with choice quotations. It is typical of the learned, dignified style of oratory that was in vogue two generations ago. |