constitution acquired a decided preponderance. Even with a limited franchise, popular influences had prevailed; and an extended representation necessarily invested them with greater force, and clothed them with more authority. Yet, the sound principles of these measures have since been generally acknowledged. If the settlement of 1832 was to be disturbed, and no one contended for its perpetuity,-household suffrage was an ancient franchise known to the constitution: it had been advocated in 1797 by Mr. Fox and Mr. Grey: it found favour with men of widely different political sentiments; and its basis was broad and rational. The redistribution of seats was unquestionably judicious and moderate.

It may be too soon yet to estimate the results of the new constitution. Rank, property, the employment of labour, and other social influences, have apparently retained their ascendency; but however the popular will may be pronounced, no constitutional means are left for resisting it. At once to lead, to satisfy, and to control this vast power, and to hold it in harmony with other authorities, will demand the highest statesmanship. A Government resting upon the confidence of an enfranchised people will indeed be strong but its policy must be that of the community, which is the source of power.

Whatever may be our institutions, public opinion has become the ultimate ruler of our political destinies. However formed,-whether by statesmen, or demagogues,-whether by society at large, or by the press, or by all of them combined, it domi

nates over ministers and parliaments. Under a more restricted representation, it dictated the policy of the state; and under our present constitution, it will exercise its influence more promptly and decisively. In public opinion, therefore, rests at once our safety, and our danger. If rational and well ordered, like the society of this great country, whose judgment it should express, we may rely upon it with confidence. If it should become perverted and degenerate, who shall save us from ourselves?

Question,

While the discussions upon the later measures of Parliamentary reform were still proceeding, Irish Church the condition of Ireland, its discontents, 1868. and disaffection, the outrages of the Fenians, and the continued suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act, demanded the attention of Parliament; and the policy of the Government in relation to that country was explained. Ministers promised an in- 16th March, quiry into the relations of landlord and 1868.

tenant, proposed to create a new Catholic university by royal charter, and intimated that when the Commission already inquiring into the condition of the Irish Church should report, they might review that establishment. Hints were also given of promoting religious equality, by an increase of the regium donum, and by the endowment of the Catholic clergy, a policy, as it was described by Lord Mayo, of levelling upwards, and not downwards. On the other side, Mr. Gladstone declared the policy by which he was prepared to redress the grievances of Ireland, and to bring peace and contentment to that country.

Irish
Church.

In 1865, and again in 1867, Mr. Gladstone had disclosed a growing conviction that a review of the church establishment in Ireland would soon be necessary; and he now announced that, in his opinion, the time had come when the

6

Protestant Church, as a state church, must cease to exist.' It was in this form that he would secure re

Mr. Glad

stone's reso

ligious equality in Ireland. He also urged the necessity of an early settlement of the land question. The disestablishment of the Irish Church henceforth became the primary question of the lutions. time, and was accepted by the entire Liberal party, as its watchword. Parliamentary reform was being settled by the united action of all parties : but this was a question by which Conservatives and Liberals were again divided into hostile ranks. Mr. Gladstone soon carried resolutions, in opposition to the Government, by which it was sought to prevent the creation of new public interests in the church, until Parliament had settled the future position of that establishment. Ministers, defeated upon so momentous a policy, tendered their resignation, but obtained from the Queen a power of dissolving Parliament, whenever the state of public business would permit it. A dissolution at that time would have involved an appeal to the old constituencies, instead of to the new electoral bodies, which were to be called into being by the measures still pending in Parliament; and eventually ministers allowed the Suspensory Bill, founded upon Mr. Gladstone's resolutions,

May, 1868.

His suspen

sory bill.

' March 28th, 1865; May 7th, 1867.

to be passed through the House of Commons, while the reform bills were being completed in view of a dissolution in the autumn. The exceptional position of ministers during this interval could not fail to elicit criticism. They had suffered a grave defeat upon a vital question of state policy: a measure which they denounced was being carried through the House of Commons, in defiance of them: they had advised Her Majesty not to withhold her consent from the Suspensory Bill, which otherwise could not have been passed by the Commons: they had received authority to appeal from the Commons to the country, and yet deferred the exercise of that authority, and continued to hold office, and to pass important measures, in presence of a hostile majority. Yet it cannot be denied that the peculiar circumstances of the occasion naturally led to such a position, on the part of ministers. They could not be expected to resign without an appeal to the people; and a sudden dissolution, while the great measures of enfranchisement were still incomplete, would have been an idle and mischievous disturbance of the country, involving a second dissolution a few months later. The Irish Church question had come athwart Parliamentary reform, and was left to await its further progress. The Suspensory Bill was rejected by the House of Lords: the supplementary measures of reform were completed; and at length an appeal was made to the people. The main issue was the policy of disestablishing the Irish Church; the second was the confidence to be reposed, by the majority of the electors, in one or other of

The dissolution of 1868.

the great political parties, whose policy, character, and conduct had recently been displayed in the contentions of the three last eventful years.

The result of the elections was decisive of these

Its decisive

issues. All the conditions of success were results. on the side of the Liberal party.

The

policy of disestablishing the Irish Church united English Dissenters, Scottish Presbyterians, and Irish Roman Catholics with Liberal politicians of every shade, who had long regarded that institution as theoretically indefensible. The wide extension of the suffrage had also increased their power. Many Conservatives had persuaded themselves that the lower class of electors would be on their side; but generally it was found that the sympathies of the new constituencies were with the Liberal party.1 There were, indeed, some remarkable exceptions. Mr. Gladstone himself was defeated in South-West Lancashire,—a new division of that county which came within the Conservative influence of Liverpool. Other parts of that great manufacturing county, and its boroughs, also showed a strong preference for Conservative candidates. On the whole, however, the Liberal party, throughout the country, sent to Parliament a majority of about 120, pledged to support Mr. Gladstone, and to vote for the disestablishment of the Irish Church. So decided and incontestable was the national verdict, that Mr. Disraeli, without Resignation of ministers, waiting for the meeting of Parliament,

2nd Dec.,

1869. placed in Her Majesty's hands the resigna

In the United Kingdom 1,408,239 electors voted for Liberal candidates, and 883,530 for Conservative candidates, thus showing a majority of 524,709 in favour of the former.