Having thus reviewed the three essential phases of ancient polytheism, we have only to indicate the tendency of the whole régime to produce the monotheistic order of the Middle Ages, by which the relative character of polytheism will be indisputably established.

In an intellectual view, the filiation is perfectly clear; the Preparation for necessary and continuous destination of the Greek Monotheism. philosophy being to serve as the organ of the irrevocable decline of polytheism, in preparation for the advent of monotheism. The only essential rectification of modern opinion required in this matter is to recognize, in this great speculative revolution, the latent influence of the nascent positive spirit in giving an intermediary character to this philosophy, which, ceasing to be wholly theological, and unable as yet to be scientific, constitutes that temporary chronic malady, the metaphysical state. The confused sense of the necessary existence of natural laws, awakened by the introduction of geometrical and astronomical truths, was the only means of giving any philosophical consistence to that universal disposition to monotheism which arose from the steady progress of the spirit of observation, circumscribing supernatural intervention till it was condensed into a monotheistic centre. If no theological unity was possible amidst the instability, isolation, and discordance of primitive observations of nature, neither could reason be satisfied amidst the contradictions of a multitude of capricious divinities when the regularity of the external world was becoming more apparent as observation extended. I remarked before that the transition was facilitated by the belief in fate, as the god of immutability, to whom the other gods were subordinated more and more as the permanence of natural relations was revealed by accumulated experience. The irresistible conviction of such supremacy was the original and undisputed basis of a new mental régime, which has, at this day, become complete for the highest order of minds. The mode of transition cannot be questioned if we consider that the Providence of the monotheists is nothing else than the Fate of the polytheists, gradually inheriting and absorbing the prerogatives of all the other deities, and only assuming a more determinate and concrete character as a more active extension succeeded to the vague and abstract earlier conception. Absolute monotheism, as presented by metaphysical deists, that is, the doctrine of one supernatural being, without mediators between him and Man,-is a mere abstraction, which can furnish no basis for any religious system of real efficacy, intellectual, moral, or, above all, social. The popular idea of monotheism closely resembles the latest polytheistic conception of a multitude of supernatural beings, subjected directly, regularly, and permanently to the sway of a single will, by which their respective offices are appointed and the popular

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instinct justly rejects as barren the notion of a god destitute of ministers. Thus regarded, the transition, through the idea of Fate, to the conception of Providence, is clear enough, as effected by the metaphysical spirit in its growth.

Besides the reasons already assigned for the Greek philosophy having taken the lead, when the rest of the world was ready, we must bear in mind the accordance of the spirit of doubt and intellectual indecision with the tendencies of the contemporary social state. The military education of the Greeks, unprovided with an adequate object; the fluctuating state of their polity; and the perpetual contentions among peoples at once alike and. mutually repugnant, were all predisposing causes of the reception of the metaphysical philosophy, which in due time disclosed a congenial career to the Greek mind. It could never have obtained a footing in Rome while a single clear aim absorbed all the powers of the nation; nor did it, when that aim was accomplished. When Rome was mistress of the world, the conflicts of Greek rhetoricians and sophists never excited more than a factitious kind of interest.

From the outset, as I observed before, the metaphysical philosophy contemplated some sort of government of society by mind, under the direction of some metaphysical system or other. This is shown by the convergence of all manner of discordant Utopias towards the same end. But the radical incapacity of metaphysics was so apparent when moral philosophy came to be applied to the conduct of society, that it became necessary to draw towards monotheism, which was the centre of all important speculation, the only basis of the needed union, and the only fulcrum of genuine spiritual authority. Thus we see that in the grandest period of Roman empire, the various philosophical sects were more theologically inclined than for two or three centuries before, busily propagating monotheistic doctrine, as the only intellectual basis of universal association. As science was then only nascent, and metaphysics could organize nothing but doubt, it was necessary to recur to theology, for the sake of its social properties, which were to be cultivated on the monotheistic principle. The Roman sway was favourable to this process, both because it had organized wide intellectual communication, and because it exhibited within its bounds the whole collection of religions in all their barrenness, and thus called for a homogeneous religion such as monotheism; the only one which offered such dogmatic generality as would suit all the elements of this vast agglomeration of nations.

The social aspect of this revolution (the greatest the world has ever seen, except the one in progress) also shows it to be a necessary result of that combination of Greek and Roman influence, at the period of their interpenetration, which Cato so unavailingly opposed. The fact of this combination throws much light on the

VOL. II.

division of the spiritual and the temporal power, which appears paradoxical till its causes are understood. The speculative ambition of the metaphysical sects impelled them to aim at absolute dominion, at guiding not only the opinions and morals of men, but their acts and practical affairs, by philosophers, who should have become supreme in authority. It was yet too early for the conception of a regular division between moral and political government neither philosophers nor emperors dreamed of it. Thus, philosophy was in perpetual, though latent insurrection against a political system under which all social power was concentrated in the hands of military chiefs. Its professors, the independent thinkers who, without any regular mission, proposed themselves to the astonished but acquiescent public and magistracy as intellectual and moral guides in all the affairs of life, were, in their very existence, a germ of future spiritual power, apart from the temporal: and this is, in a social view, the mode in which Greek civilization participated in bringing about the new state of things. On the other hand, when Rome gradually conquered the world, nothing was further from her thoughts than ever giving up the system which was the basis of her greatness, and under which all sacerdotal power was in the hands of military chiefs: and yet, she contributed her share towards the formation of an independent spiritual power. It happened through her finding the impossibility of keeping together portions of her empire so various and remote by any temporal centralization, however stringent; and, again, by her military activity passing from the offensive to the defensive state, and parting off, for want of central aim, into independent principalities, requiring the advent of the spiritual power to unite them in a common bond. We shall see that this was the real origin of the feudality of the Middle Ages. A third way was that a universal morality became necessary, to unite the nations which were brought forcibly together while urged to mutual hatred by their respective forms of polytheism; and the need was met and satisfied by the communication of those higher and more general views and feelings which the conquering nobles had acquired by exercise and proof. In this way it appears that the political movement had as much share as the philosophical in causing that spiritual organization which distinguished the Middle Ages, and which owed its attribute of generality to the one movement, and that of morality to the other.

The Jews.

As nothing was fortuitous in this great revolution, but, on the contrary, every leading feature might be anticipated after due consideration of the conditions I have indicated, it may be interesting to observe what Roman province must be the scene of the great result of the dualism just described. It must be a portion of the empire which was especially prepared for monotheism, and for the habitual existence of an independent

spiritual power. It must have an intense and obstinate nationality, which would make it suffer under isolation, and find a way out of it, without surrendering its peculiar faith, and indeed being disposed to propagate it. These conditions point to the little Jewish theocracy, derived in an accessory way from the Egyptian, and perhaps also the Chaldean theocracy, whence it probably emanated by a kind of exceptional colonization of the sacerdotal caste, the superior orders of which, become monotheists by their own intellectual progress, were led to institute, as a refuge or an experiment, a monotheistic colony, in which monotheism preserved a difficult but avowed existence,--at least, after the separation of the ten tribes. Before the annexation to Rome, this anomalous people was only the more isolated by its faith, through the pride of superiority which enhanced, in their case, the superstition of exclusive nationality proper to all theocracies. This peculiarity was beneficial to the great movement, by furnishing the first direct instruments of the universal regeneration.

This view seems to present itself naturally; but it is not essential to our analysis. If the Jews had not made a beginning, some other nation would have offered the requisite organs; and those organs would have guided the advance in precisely the same direction, only transferring to some books, now probably lost, the sacred character which is still attributed to others.

The slowness of this immense revolution is easily accounted for, if we only consider how all the social powers of the polytheistic régime were concentrated, so that it was necessary to change everything almost at once. The theocratic elements of the Roman system were once more in the first rank; for the five or six centuries which intervened between the emperors and the kings may be considered as a vast military episode in the long period proper to ancient theocracies; and the sacerdotal character, which had, for that interval, been effaced by the military, re-appeared when conquest ceased. With the re-establishment of the theocratic régime, now much weakened, the conservative instinct proper to it revived, notwithstanding the instability of the rulers after the humiliation of the senatorial caste. This confusion between the temporal and spiritual power, which was the very spirit of the system, explains why even the wisest and most generous of the Roman emperors could no more understand than a Chinese emperor could now, the voluntary renunciation of polytheism, which they regarded, and feared to sanction, as a demolition of their whole government, till the gradual conversion of the population to Christian monotheism introduced a new political influence, permitting first, and then requiring, the conversion of the leaders. That conversion terminated the preparatory progression, and opened the new system by a decisive symptom of the real, indepen

dent power of the new spiritual authority which was to be its great moving force.

Such is my view of ancient polytheism as a whole, contemplated in its intellectual and social aspects, and examined as to its tendency to produce the new theological phase of the Middle Ages; which, again, after performing higher social functions than its predecessor, is making way for the advent of the positive philosophy. In the examination of monotheism to which I shall now proceed, I shall be obliged, as hitherto, to content myself with proposing my series of historical views, in illustration of my theory of human development; leaving it to the reader to supply the mass of historical proof which it would be incompatible with the nature and limits of my work for me to set before him.