colonization, with the regular destruction of products that it caused in the Indian Archipelago, is an example of the last mode, which encourages individual activity and rapacity and national selfishness. In the other case, the enterprise has more of a political than an industrial character. If we compare the colonial system of Spain, and even of Portugal, with that of Holland and England, we find in it, not only a systematic concentration, Catholic and monarchical, of the ruling power, but a complement of the retrograde policy organized at home: for it opened a new sphere of personal advantage to the priesthood and nobility, and at the same time an outlet for the restless activity which imperilled the system in the mother country. So that I suspect, as several philosophers have done, that for Spain, at least, the colonial movement was a social retardation.

Slavery.

I cannot quit this part of my subject without entering my protest, together with that of all philosophy, against the rapacity by which the great colonizing movement has been everywhere disgraced. Three centuries after personal emancipation had been obtained in Europe, Catholicism, in its decay, not only sanctioned but instigated the extermination of whole races, and the institution of a slavery infinitely more dangerous than that which, in its better days, it had so nobly assisted to overthrow. I need not repeat my condemnation of the disgraceful anomaly of modern slavery, nor the grounds of that condemnation. As to the reaction of this monstrous crime on European civilization, -it indirectly favours the retrograde or stationary spirit, by preventing the true philosophical extension of the generous elementary principles of modern progress; since their most active defenders are apt to find themselves checked, in the midst of ostentatious philanthropic demonstrations, by their personal interest in the maintenance of the most oppressive policy. In this particular respect, Protestant nations are at a disadvantage in comparison with Catholic; for, enfeebled as the power of the priests now is, it has mitigated, by a perpetual beneficent intervention, its own great original offence; whereas, the legalized spiritual anarchy of Protestantism leaves entire impunity to private oppression, except that it admits the inert restraint of a few temporal rules, generally framed and always applied by the oppressors themselves. The excuse now commonly offered for slavery, that it promotes the civilization of the enslaved race, will not stand a moment's examination, and is of a wholly injurious tendency to the cause of civilization itself. If the enslavement took place on the spot, under circumstances analogous to those of ancient times, it is conceivable that benefit might arise to both parties at that stage of barbarism but when the slaves are transplanted to, as it were, a subsequent age, the natural progression of the people of Africa is. fatally interfered with. It is fatally rash to attempt to hasten pro

cesses so slow and so vast, at the risk of introducing uncontrollable calamities, even if the method were as generous as it is odious. As it is, the promoters of this disastrous institution must at length accept, in their own social retardation and embarrassment, the just punishment prepared for them by all the fundamental laws of human society.

Our third period extends from the expulsion of the Huguenots from France, and the political triumph of the English Third period. aristocracy, to the beginning of the French Revolution. It is the same which, in the former connection, I called the Deistical period; and here again we find the positive and the negative progression coinciding. In the last period we saw that extending industry was regarded as the necessary basis of military superiority, which was still the chief consideration with governments. But during the period we now have to examine, a Final subordi- remarkable inversion gradually took place; an invernation of the sion which must be regarded as the greatest advance military spirit. which it is possible for society to make during the existence of the old régime, and beyond which it is impossible to proceed but by entering upon a total reorganization. Here begins the last phase of warfare, that series of commercial wars in which, at first spontaneously, and then systematically, the military spirit retires behind the industrial, and strives to retain its place in the social economy by conquering advantageous settlements for each nation, or by destroying the resources of foreign competition. Lamentable as have been some of the conflicts of this kind, the policy must be regarded as progress, inasmuch as it announces the decay of military activity, and the preponderance of industry, which is thus established, in a temporal sense, as the principle and the aim of modern civilization. The change was evident enough in the strifes about monarchy and aristocracy, and in other features of the second period; but it was not till the eighteenth century that the subordination of military to industrial action was decisively settled throughout Western Europe, the Colonial system, founded under the preceding phase, having been the main cause of this kind of conflict.

As to the other points of view of the relations of industry,—it Spread of advanced more rapidly during the last period in Industry. England than on the Continent, because the Protestant spirit, and the close connection between the aristocratic and the mercantile classes, are favourable both to the self-reliance and the selfishness which have hitherto belonged to industrial life; whereas, the lingering influence of Catholicism in Continental countries, the greater sociality of temper and manners, the cosmopolitan character of the negative philosophy, and the want of affinity between kings and the industrial classes, have wrought together to leave the superiority to England. That provisional

GROWTH OF INDUSTRY.

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superiority may be no advantage; for it protracts the military and theological system, which is incorporated in their case with the industrial; and it tends to the encouragement of an insatiable cupidity, and the repression of generous national sympathy; and thus there is a risk of future retribution for the provisional industrial prosperity of England.

The interior organization of industry has been largely affected by its peculiarity of offering interest and scope to a variety of minds; so that the most active and energetic men have entered it more and more eagerly, as it grew in social importance, while military life became the refuge of men of inferior ability or perseverance,especially among the lower classes. The flood of cupidity which desolated France when Law's scheme was afloat proved that it was from no intellectual and moral superiority that the proud upper classes despised industrial life, but only from an aversion to work. The spectacle was not so openly shameful in Protestant countries, though the same temper might exist. The alliance between aristocracy and industry must disguise the alienation of spirit: but not the less was the energy of the national mind investing itself in industry, and its indolence, incapacity, and pride in war. Another interior element of progress was the expansion of the system of public credit, which began, as we have seen, in the Italian and Hanse towns, but which could not fulfil its function completely till industrial interests had become incorporated,-first as a means and then as an end,-with the whole European polity. Its most decisive extension was when, out of the great financial companies, arose the class of bankers, to be the head of the industrial interest, through the superior generality of their habitual views: and from the moment when they became actually a part of the commercial body, instead of being outside of it as at first, they formed a bond between all the other parts, which aided their organization. this time, again, genuine relations began to be established between science and industry. The opposite elements, the abstract and the practical, had long been approximating, and Colbert had shown the power of their junction. But it was in the eighteenth century that they showed what they could do by their union. Before, there had been scarcely any arts, but navigation and medicine, in which any great scientific progress had been made: now it was not only the whole system of geometrical and mechanical arts, but the more complex and imperfect physical and chemical arts, that rapidly advanced. And now arose in consequence that remarkable intermediate class, small but rapidly augmenting, of engineers, whose business it is, as I pointed out in my former volume, to regulate the relations of science and industry. Their action in England and France has been characteristic of the social and political differences of the two countries :-the English showing the wonderful resources of free private instinct, backed by voluntary associations; and the

At

French preparing the way for a genuine final reorganization of labour of every kind. Again; during this period, modern industry began to manifest its philosophical character,―till then discernible only by careful historical analysis. The time was come for it to appear as the systematic action of Man upon the external world, guided by the knowledge of natural laws. The two great inventions, of the steam-engine and the balloon, spread the true conception, the one by its actual operation, and the other by the bold but fairly-grounded hopes which it awakened. If theology had before disclosed its anti-industrial tendencies, industry now clearly revealed its anti-theological character. Under polytheism, the antagonism between the supposed divine order of the universe and Man's power to interfere with that economy for his own advantage, could be evaded: but monotheism placed the question in the front rank by its hypothesis of providential optimism. The admirable organization of Catholicism deferred the settlement of the question by avoiding collision with industry as long as possible; but when the theological system was in decay, and industry was rising from day to day, the final conflict could not but be destructive to the religious view. That view had become totally incompatible with the extension of Man's action upon nature and thus was the industrial element brought into radical and permanent hostility to the theological and military powers, under whose shadow it had grown up. And thus was the most popular mental action of all brought into alliance with the other forces which were engaged in the destruction of the theological philosophy.

We have now traced the industrial movement through its three periods; its spontaneous rise, under Catholic and feudal guardianship, its systematic encouragement by governments, as a means of political supremacy, and its establishment as a permanent end of European policy, with the subjection of war to its service. It is evident that nothing remains to be looked for but the advent of a corresponding political system; of which I shall have more to say hereafter. We must now proceed to survey the intellectual The intellectual movement, æsthetic, scientific, and philosophical, movement. which was going on at the same time. This review may be very brief in comparison with that which we have just concluded, for the intellectual evolution is less complex than the industrial, less subject to historical misrepresentation, and less important in regard to the constitution of modern society, being restricted to a small class, and capable of a merely modifying action thus far, however active and eminent its operation is destined to be at a future time. It is not compatible with my object to notice any but the social properties of the three intellectual elements; and I shall not therefore enter on the special history of any of them, but merely sketch their rise, character, and development,beginning with the æsthetic.

THE INTELLECTUAL ELEMENTS.

327 The function of the æsthetic faculties is to afford an ideal and sympathetic representation of human sentiment, The cesthetic personal, domestic, and social; and their condition development. therefore can never be any sufficient test of the corresponding civilization. This is the only element of those which I have to consider in this chapter that is common to the military and theological, and the industrial and positive systems. The best way therefore of ascertaining its state at any particular time is, not by regarding it by itself, but by looking at those characteristics of modern civilization with which it is incorporated, to ascertain its share in them, and observe what new properties it may have disclosed. Considering the strong human interests which abounded in the medieval period, it is evident that the Fine Arts must have been favoured by it. The sense of personal independence was then energetic; domestic life had a strength and beauty in it unknown in ancient times; and the defensive wars of the period stimulated social activity. The Catholic and feudal system was undoubtedly more favourable to the Fine Arts than any preceding régime, if only it had had more stability. The cathedrals, which were in fact museums of music, painting, sculpture, and architecture, were one evidence of this; and another was the organization which permitted an unequalled encouragement of individual genius. But, on the other hand, the vague, abstract, inflexible character of monotheistic articles of belief was incompatible with aesthetic development; and it was the social condition of the period, and not its philosophy, that was favourable to the Fine Arts; the case being an inversion of the polytheistic, in which it was the doctrine, and not the corresponding régime, that so largely developed æsthetic genius. Under the feudal encouragement of that order of genius, we see it assuming the form of an ideal faith in the old polytheism, Greek, Roman, Scandinavian, or Arab. It appears to me that we here find the cause of the supposed opposition to the Fine Arts and decline of their influence, which may well be ascribed to the neutralizing effect of this logical inconsistency. Depending thus on social influences in that age, the asthetic action must begin to show itself as soon as the Catholic and feudal constitution was sufficiently mature; and its opening period is marked by the institution of chivalry, while its main development was occasioned, for two centuries onward, by the Crusades, in which the whole moral energy of Europe was concentrated. All historical testimony agrees in asserting the extreme eagerness of all the classes of European society for that kind of mental action, which suited all capacities, affording excitement for the feeble in intellect, and diversion for the strong. And this was happening in the age which moderns have thought proper to call dark, and in the two countries, England and France, where the system of that age existed in its most perfect state. The admiration excited by the