Imágenes de páginas
PDF
EPUB

form new states in different Countries, whenever they can thereby promote their own Ease & Safety." In addition, they remind. Congress of the King's Proclamation of 1763, and the Vandalia grant, and ask Congress carefully to investigate all the charters, and, "candidly determine all such Matters and Things as so nearly concern any of the subjects of America & which tend to sap & undermine the Liberty of the People." Nor was it only the friends of Virginia that were considering independent statehood. The Congressional resolutions mentioned were regarded in western Pennsylvania as applying to that state, as well as to the states whose claims ran to the Mississippi. In Westmoreland County apprehensions were aroused, lest, if Pennsylvania should cede its unappropriated area, this county would be retained by the parent state; for, though west of the Alleghanies, they were more thickly populated. "If the unappropriated parts of the country are relinquished," wrote Thomas Scott,2 who went from that district to Congress in 1789, and who was familiar with the views of the settlers, "we must go with it, or Else we shall remain a people dependent on pennsylvania, Remote in situation, different in Interests, few in number, and forever prevented of future groath." The agitation continued through 1781 and 1782, sometimes taking the form of propositions to cross the Ohio and establish a new state near the Muskingum.3 The Virginia settlers refused to pay taxes, and drove off the Pennsylvania assessors. Besides their uncertainty to whom their taxes were rightfully due, and whether by a new state movement they might not evade them altogether, they found it a peculiar hardship to pay their taxes in specie. To repress these agitations, Pennsylvania enacted a law in 1782, reciting that the unlocated lands were pledged as a fund for extinguishing her obligations to the former colonial proprietors, and declaring any attempt to establish a separate state within her

1 Draper Colls., Shepherd Papers, I. 177, 179, B. Johnston to Colonel Shepherd, enclosing a draft of the memorial. The letter was begun in October and sent in November, 1780.

2 Scott to President Reed, of Pennsylvania, January 24, 1781. 1 Penna. Archives, VIII. 713.

& Washington-Irvine Correspondence, 231, 233, 109, 244, 266; 1 Penna. Archives, IX. 233, 519, 572, 637, 662; McMaster, III. 98. Kentucky settlers projected a movement across the Ohio in 1780 and petitioned Congress for permission. Archives of Continental Congress, XLVIII. 245, 247.

* Compare the grievances of the same region in the Whiskey Rebellion. The lack of specie has always been a frontier complaint. In 1783 Virginia allowed her western settlers to pay one-half their taxes in frontier commodities; the state of Franklin made out a schedule of the specie value of commodities acceptable for taxes and salaries, including linen, beaver skins, raccoon skins, bacon, beeswax, and good rye whiskey.

borders high treason, punishable by death.1 Early the next year, the authorities sent the Rev. James Finley, a prominent ScotchIrish Presbyterian, who had preached among the Westerners, to investigate matters and allay the disturbance.2 He found a particularly important field for his efforts among the clergy of his own. denomination; for here, as in other localities, these preachers were promoting the idea of independence and the compact organization of the state. One of the arguments which Finley had to meet was the way in which the Puritan colonies had been established.

FREDERICK JACKSON TURNER.

1 Laws of Pennsylvania, II. 60 (edition of 1810).

21 Penna. Archives, IX. 729; X. 163, 40, 41. He recapitulates the arguments with which he met the demands for statehood.

(To be continued.)

DOCUMENTS

[Under this head it is proposed to print in each issue a few documents of historical importance, hitherto unprinted. It is intended that the documents shall be printed with verbal and literal exactness, and that an exact statement be made of the present place of deposit of the document and, in the case of archives and libraries, of the volume and page or catalogue number by which the document is designated. Contributions of important documents, thus authenticated, will be welcomed.]

1. Colonel William Byrd on Slavery and Indented Servants, 1736, 1739.

THE following two letters are taken from the letter-books of Colonel William Byrd, preserved at Lower Brandon, Va. For courteous permission to make use of them, the REVIEW is indebted. to the owner of the letter-books, Mrs. Harrison of Brandon. The writer, the second Colonel William Byrd, of Westover (1674-1744), was the noted author of the History of the Dividing Line, the Journey to the Land of Eden, etc., and was for many years a member of the Governor's Council. The first Earl of Egmont (d. 1748), to whom the first of these letters was written, was the first president of the trustees of Georgia. He was the father of the second earl, who was for a time First Lord of the Admiralty, and grandfather of the Marquis of Hastings (Lord Rawdon). The first letter is dated Virginia, July 12, 1736, the second, November 10, 1739.

COLONEL BYRD TO LORD EGMONT.

Your Lord's opinion concerning Rum and Negros is certainly very just, and your excludeing both of them from your Colony of Georgia will be very happy; tho' with Respect to Rum, the Saints of New England I fear will find out some trick to evade your Act of Parliament. They have a great dexterity at palliating a perjury so well as to leave no taste of it in the mouth, nor can any people like them slip through a penal statute. They will give some other Name to their Rum, which they may safely do, because it gos by that of Kill-Devil in this country from its banefull qualitys. A watchfull Eye must be kept on these foul Traders or all the precautions of the Trustees will be in vain.

I wish my Lord we coud be blesst with the same Prohibition. They import so many Negros hither, that I fear this Colony will some time or

I am sensible of many

other be confirmd by the Name of New Guinea. bad consequences of multiplying these Ethiopians amongst us. They blow up the pride, and ruin the Industry of our White People, who seing a Rank of poor Creatures below them, detest work for fear it shoud make them look like Slaves. Then that poverty which will ever attend upon Idleness, disposes them as much to pilfer as it dos the Portuguese, who account it much more like a Gentleman to steal, than to dirty their hands with Labour of any kind.

Another unhappy Effect of Many Negros is the necessity of being severe. Numbers make them insolent, and then foul Means must do what fair will not. We have however nothing like the Inhumanity here that is practiced in the Islands, and God forbid we ever shoud. But these base Tempers require to be rid with a tort Rein, or they will be apt to throw their Rider. Yet even this is terrible to a good naturd Man, who must submit to be either a Fool or a Fury. And this will be more our unhappy case, the more Negros are increast amongst us.

But these private mischeifs are nothing if compard to the publick danger. We have already at least 10,000 Men of these descendants of Ham fit to bear Arms, and their Numbers increase every day as well by birth as Importation. And in case there shoud arise a Man of desperate courage amongst us, exasperated by a desperate fortune, he might with more advantage than Cataline kindle a Servile War. Such a man might be dreadfully mischeivous before any opposition could be formd against him, and tinge our Rivers as wide as they are with blood. besides the Calamitys which woud be brought upon us by such an Attempt, it woud cost our Mother Country many a fair Million to make us as profitable as we are at present.

It were therefore worth the consideration of a British Parliament, My Lord, to put an end to this unchristian Traffick of makeing Merchandize of Our Fellow Creatures. At least the farthar Importation of them into our Our Colonys shoud be prohibited lest they prove as troublesome and dangerous everywhere, as they have been lately in Jamaica, where besides a vast expence of Mony, they have cost the lives of many of his Majesty's Subjects. We have mountains in Virginia too, to which they may retire as safely, and do as much mischeif as they do in Jamaica. All these matters duly considerd, I wonder the Legislature will Indulge a few ravenous Traders to the danger of the Publick safety, and such Traders as woud freely sell their Fathers, their Elder Brothers, and even the Wives of their bosomes, if they coud black their faces and get anything by them.

I entirely agree with your Lord' in the Detestation you seem to have for that Diabolical Liquor Rum, which dos more mischeif to Peoples Industry and morals than any thing except Gin and the Pope. And if it were not a little too Poetical, I shoud fancy, as the Gods of Old were said to quaff Nectar, so the Devils are fobbd off with Rumm. Tho' my Dear Country Men woud think this unsavory Spirit much too Good for Devils, because they are fonder of it than they are of their Wives and Children,

for they often sell the Bread out of their mouths, to buy Rumm to put in their own. Thrice happy Georgia, if it be in the power of any Law to keep out so great an enimy to Health Industry and Vertue! The new Settlers there had much better plant Vinyards like Noah, and get drunk with their own Wine.

COLONEL BYRD TO MR. ANDREWS OF ROTTERDAM.

I know not how long the Palatines are sold for, who do not Pay Passage to Phyladelphia, but here they are sold for Four years and fetch from 6 to 9 Pounds and perhaps good Tradesmen may go for Ten. If these Prices woud answer, I am pretty Confident I coud dispose of two Ships Load every year in this River; and I myself woud undertake it for Eight cent on the Sales, and make you as few bad Debts as possible. This is the Allowance Our Negro Sellers have, which Sell for more than Double these People will, and consequently afford twice the Profet.

2. Intercepted Letters and Journal of George Rogers Clark, 1778, 1779.

The following intercepted letters relating to the Illinois expedition of George Rogers Clark in 1778 and 1779 have been, through the courtesy of Dr. Douglas Brymner, archivist of the Dominion, obtained from the Canadian Archives, Series B, Vol. 122. It is understood that they have never before been printed. The first, Helm's letter to Clark, sent when Hamilton was approaching Vincennes, was captured by one of the Indian parties which Hamilton sent out for such purposes from the Wea village (Ouiatanon). The second is, for the events of the days beginning February 23, 1779, the earliest account hitherto discovered, and is thought, therefore, to be of importance. The manner of its interception is indicated in a letter from Clark to Governor Patrick Henry, dated April 29, and preserved among the manuscripts of the Department of State, in which he says: "A few days ago I received certain intelligence of Wm. Moires my express to you being killed near the Falls of the Ohio, news truly disagreeable to me, as I fear many of my letters will fall into the hands of the enemy at Detroit."

HELM TO CLARK.

Canadian Archives. Series B, Vol. 122, p. 250.

Dr Sir, At this time theer is an army within three miles of this place I heard of their comin several days before hand I sent spies to find the certainty the spies being taken prisoners I never got intelligence till they

« AnteriorContinuar »