scription the amount which has been expended (about 9007.), in the advantageous purchase of a place which recently cost the original proprietors upwards of 3000/., with the sole view that this central and commodious chapel may become public property, and be immediately vested in the hands of trustees, for the purpose of divine worship, according to the Christian faith.

"The committee feel confident, that the peculiar features of this statement will ensure the liberal support of all to whom it may be addressed, and more especially of those who have ever evinced an earnest zeal in the suppression of sentiments calculated to disturb the peace and good order of society.

Subscriptions will be received by N. Bousfield, Esq., Treasurer, 12, St. Mary Axe; Mr. Millard, 49, Bishopsgate-street; by any member of the Committee; and by Messrs. Barclay and Co., and Messrs. Ladbroke and Co."

Note. We dispute the truth of the Christian assumption, that Infidelity has a tendency to destroy the basis of civilized society, or to disturb the peace and good order of society; and we affirm, with better proofs and reasons, that society owes, in relation to the past, all its improved state of civilization to an infidelity toward Christianity or the general superstition. There cannot be a superstitious civilization. There was civilization before Christianity; and we are improving as Christianity recedes. There was peace and good order in society before Christianity; and there is none the less as Christianity dies.

AN INFIDEL'S ODE TO HIS LYRE.

IT is not that I seek to be,

The idol of a moment's gaze;

Nor is it the inanity,

Of monumental mockery,

That wakes, my lyre, thy humble lays.

I know full well that human praise,
A breath can publish or recall;
And as for statuary lays,

Enough for me, that nature says,
The worm shall have its carnival.

"Tis not for this, I wake thee, lyre,
I know men will not love thy songs;
Yet will I touch thee, not in ire,
For I would rather quench, than fire,
The least remembrance of thy wrongs.

Suffice it that some nobler breast,
From thee, may light with reason's ray;
And own that thou, tho' uncaress'd,
Dared honestly to teach the best
Path-to life's pilgrim on his way.

Still let the oracles of clay,

Bid reason's voice be heard no more;
They have their reasons! and their pay,
Their feelings, which I'll not gainsay;
But mine shall not be bargain'd for.
Must we not smile, but straight the knell
Of death-peals ever in our ears ;*
Can we not live, and die as well
Without, as with the Christian's hell?
That self-made bugbear of his fears.
What in this lovely world can teach,
The heart to dread so dark a doom;
E'en let the loathsome blood-gorged leech
Of superstition, preach,-or screech,
We fear no torments past the tomb.
Look thro' the annals of the past,
And track his footsteps by the gore
Of human hearts! thou can'st not cast
Thine eyes around thee, but thou hast
Present, some slaughtering-place of yore.
Think of the past, of butcher'd men!
Think, priestly hands, the faggots piled
Around your victim-sires, and when
Their flame of torture kindled-then!
The pious men-destroyers smiled!!
Yet they had revelations too,

To prove that all they did was right!
Bible in hand, the accursed crew,
Full well each damning scripture knew,
And read it by the faggot's light.
And if no longer burns that flame,
Not to religion do we owe

The change, her spirit is the same!
But reason dares t' assert her claim!
And laughs out, at the mock'ry now.

Oh, nature! I will turn to thee,
As to a parent, with delight;
Wherever thou art, I would be,
A concord in the harmony,

Of all thy wonder-working might.

I allude to the unnecessary, I may say the brutal practice, of having a bell tolled at the decease of any one. Is it not scandalous, that the invalid, of either sex, whose debilitated nerves render any thing of a disquieting nature doubly imposing, should be annoyed, and constantly reminded of that from which the heart instinctively shrinks, by the silly clamouring of what ought to be privately felt? Do we not know that we must die? If we do, and act not up to our knowledge, it is not the mere mechanical dingdong of a bell that will arrest our folly. If we do know the conditions of our human state, and husband our time wisely, it is unnecessary; is not the almost daily loss of some dear relative, added to the frequent coffin in the common walks of life, sufficient to assure man of his mortality?

And as the flow'ret meets the ray
Of summer, with unfolded charms;
And dies in beauty, ere the day
Of storms, so would I pass away
From nature's banquet, to her arms.
I ask no praise, no tear, no stone,
Enough that I have done my best,
To make the truth of nature known;
As for the rest, I am alone,
And lonely, I will sink to rest,
'Tis true I feel, and who does not,
The sweet affections of the heart?
"Tis true I would not be forgot;
But then, since such must be my lot,
Without a farewell, I would part.

For who shall say what they may prove,
To whom the inmost heart is known?
And who, whose words are form'd to move,
Would speak? when ev'ry word of love
Would leave its hearers doubly lone.

But now, my lyre, awhile farewell,
I hush thy voices in my breast;
To share what words can never tell,
The feeling indescribable,

Of all which cannot be express'd.

TO MR. CARLILE.

J. W. IMRAY.

Further Subscriptions from Manchester, for the Rev. Robert Taylor.

One of those, who narrowly escaped being sabred
by the "Peterloo Butchers," Aug. 16, 1819..
Charles Aberdeen....

G. S......

S. C....

James Miller

£ s. d.

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006

006

006

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J. M..

006

John Gratrix.

William Reid..

020

006

£0 9 6

Printed and Published by RICHARD CARLILE, 62, Fleet-street, where all Communications, post-paid, or free of expense, are requested be left.

0 10 0

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CATHOLIC QUESTION.

In the House of Commons, there has been a majority of six, out of above five hundred members, for removing from the professors of the Roman Catholic Religion all civil disabilities. The question has before been similarly advanced; though, two years ago, it was lost by a majority of four. It is, some day this week, to be moved by Sir Francis Burdett, as a somewhat novel resolution, that the House of Commons shall propose a conference with the House of Lords, and seek its consent to the decision, preparatory to the introduction of a bill. No one is so sanguine on the immediate success of the question, as to calculate on the consent of the Lords. We know not a single good reason why the Lords should not consent; and we introduce the subject for the purpose of combating the objections to the propriety of Catholic Emancipation; but what reason shall conquer a fear that is founded upon bigotry and superstition?

The main objection to the Roman Catholics is, that they will do mischief, if they have the power to do it. We are disposed to grant the existence of the disposition; because it is common to every principle of Sectarianism. The Protestants have the power and do the mischief, which they fear the Catholics will do, if the power be transferred. If the Catholics do the mischief, which the Protestants now do, there will be no increased mischief done; but we shall argue, that the emancipation of the Catholics will neutralize the mischief now done by the Protestants, and lead on to increased good.

Certain ideas are associated with the history of the Roman Catholics opposed to the free toleration of opinion, and reminiscent of atrocities that are abhorrent in the endeavour to restrain variety of opinion. Impartial observation of history must assoPrinted and Published by R. CARLILE, 62. Fleet Street. No. 20. Vol. I, 2 R

ciate the same ideas with Protestantism. It may be answered, that Protestantism now exhibits no such character. Granted; but the same state of things that has produced the change in Protestantism, has produced the same change in Catholicism; and Roman Catholics in England or Ireland will no more be found doing what Roman Catholics did in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, than Protestants will be found doing what Protestants did in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, or even what they have done in England and Ireland in the nineteenth century. As well may it be argued, that, because the English Ministers of 1819 encouraged the prosecution of the publisher of Paine's Age of Reason, that the Ministers in 1828 may do the same thing. Short as is the space of time between the two last-mentioned periods, the present Ministers would no more think of prosecuting the daily publisher of Paine's Age of Reason, than they would think of joining like swallows, and sinking themselves to the bottom of the Thames. Yet, but nine years ago, it was said, that this publication could never be tolerated in this country; and a statute was made and still exists, by which the Court of King's Bench has the power to seize the publisher's stock. Though the publisher knows well the power which that statute confers against him, he no more thinks of secreting his stock of the copies of the Age of Reason, than of any other book that he has in stock. So confident is he of the great change of opinion on this subject; and equally confident is he, that not a particle of that mischief will accrue, which the bigotted alarmist fears from the emancipation of the Roman Catholics. change is not in the character of the Roman Catholic Religion, any more than in the character of Paine's Age of Reason, which is verbatim what it was in 1819; but the change is in the character of the circumstances by which that religion is surrounded. Encourage among a people the right of free discussion, and there is nothing to be nationally feared from the bad principles of any religion.

The

We are most pleasantly surprised, when we look back and see what a progress has been made in furthering the cause of free discussion within the last twelve years. In matters of politics and religion, the public press wears quite a new face-a clean, bold, and honest-looking face, compared with what it was twelve years ago. And as sure as Catholic Emancipation is deferred this year, it will be accomplished in another.

We think nothing of the threats of the Times newspaper, that Ireland is organized, and that it will rebel, if Catholic Emancipation be not granted. Ireland is not organized. Ireland will not rebel for any such purpose; nor for any purpose short of its independence and complete separation from this country.The question of Catholic Emancipation is not worth a rebellion; is not worth the loss of a single life, or a single year's imprison