CHAP. VI.]

DEFEAT FAR PREFERABLE.

329

found that Mr. Adams would have considered himself called upon to retire at the close of a second term; and that the probabilities lean decidedly the other way.

At best, things would have rested on an insecure basis, with a man, to borrow Madison's expressive phrase, of so "ticklish" a temper; and unfortunate deviations or concessions might have been sometimes required to keep harmony with him, and with that handful of moderate Federal leaders whom he would bring to the alliance.

It was far better that the Republicans should be kept in the minority, four years longer, and when they did come into power, that they should come with no shackles on their action, no "old men of the sea," on their shoulders. Besides, in 1796-7, a victory of the Republicans could not of possibility have been decisive. Parties had not ripened and exposed their real aims. Had the Federalists been defeated either in that election, or by a subsequent union of the moderates, they would have gone down ostensibly with the mantle of Washington covering them. -ostensibly but a conservative republican party. It was well that they were allowed a trial when the eye and ear of the great and good Statesman were no longer in a place to discover and control their machinations. It was necessary that Icarus should guide his own flight and attempt a higher one than the wise Dædalus, to make his fall certain and fatal!

The moment Mr. Jefferson learnt the

sylvania election, he discovered his error.

result of the PennHe found that geo

graphical considerations had not prevailed. And he caught with marvellous celerity a great political idea. Speaking of a territorial dispute between Virginia and Maryland, in a letter to Madison, January 22d (1797), he said:

"Let us cultivate Pennsylvania and we need not fear the universe." (And the idea thus expands.) "Let but this block [Virginia] stand firm on its basis, and Pennsylvania do the same, our Union will be perpetual, and our general Government kept within the bounds and form of the Constitution."

In the same letter to Mr. Madison (written before receiving an answer to his preceding one of January 1st), he said that he was happy to learn that Mr. Adams "spoke of him with great friendship and with satisfaction in the prospect of administering the government in concurrence with him," and he added:

330

JEFFERSON APPROVES MADISON'S COURSE.

[CHAP. VI.

"I am glad of the first information, because though I saw that our ancient friendship was affected by a little leaven, produced partly by his constitution, partly by the contrivance of others, yet I never felt a diminution of confidence in his integrity, and retained a solid affection for him. His principles of government I knew to be changed, but conscientiously changed. As to my participating in the administration, if by that he meant the Executive cabinet, both duty and inclination will shut that door to me. I cannot have a wish to see the scenes of 1793 revived as to myself, and to descend daily into the arena like a gladiator, to suffer martyrdom in every conflict. As to duty, the Constitution will know me only as the member of a legislative body: and its principle is, that of a separation of legislative, Executive, and judiciary functions, except in cases specified. If this principle be not expressed in direct terms, yet it is clearly the spirit of the Constitution, and it ought to be so commented and acted on by every friend to free government."

Receiving Madison's reply to his letter of January 1st, he

wrote:

To JAMES MADISON.

MONTICELLO, January 30, 1797.

Yours of the 18th came to hand yesterday. I am very thankful for the discretion you have exercised over the letter. That has happened to be the case, which I knew to be possible, that the honest expression of my feelings towards Mr. Adams might be rendered mal-apropos from circumstances existing, and known at the seat of Government, but not known by me in my retired situation. Mr. Adams and myself were cordial friends from the beginning of the Revolution. Since our return from Europe, some little incidents have happened, which were capable of affecting a jealous mind like his. His deviation from that line of politics on which we had been united, has not made me less sensible of the rectitude of his heart; and I wished him to know this, and also another truth, that I am sincerely pleased at having escaped the late draft for the helm, and have not a wish which he stands in the way of. That he should be convinced of these truths, is important to our mutual satisfaction, and perhaps to the harmony and good of the public service. But there was a difficulty in conveying them to him, and a possibility that the attempt might do mischief there or somewhere else; and I would not have hazarded the attempt, if you had not been in place to decide upon its expediency. It has now become unnecessary to repeat it by a letter.

*

In letters of this period to Mr. Langdon of New Hampshire, Mr. Sullivan and Gerry of Massachusetts, Doctor Rush of Pennsylvania, etc., he most pointedly asserted that his having been a candidate for the Presidency, was contrary to his inclinations, and that he preferred the second office.

This undoubtedly refers to Madison's letter dated 15th, which we have given. Our copy has the date of 15th, but both editions of Mr. Jefferson's Works the 18th, as above. There has been a slip of the pen or of the type. Randolph's edition is generally very accurately printed. The other is a blotch of errors, and we presume that where it gives the same letters with Randolph's edition, they were copied from the latter to save the (unnecessary) trouble of making copies of the MSS. for the printer. If this nothing to the authority of the text of Randolph's edition.

so, it adds

CHAP. VI.]

OTHER DECLARATIONS.

Perhaps it may be thought in these declarations—

"Good King Robert's eye

Might have some glance of policy;"

331

and if so, we have no disposition to combat the theory as discreditable, or as at all invalidating the veracity of Mr. Jefferson's affirmations.

CHAPTER VII.

1797.

Presidential Vote declared-Expectations that Jefferson would refuse the Vice-Presidency -Steps he took thereon-His Views on proper Method of notifying the Elected Candidates His Efforts to Escape a Ceremonious Reception-His Reception-Interview with the President and Mr. Adams's Overtures-Sworn into Office-His SpeechScene of the Inauguration-President's Speech-Sequel to preceding Interviews with President Jefferson returns Home-Letter to Mrs. Randolph-Action of French Government on receiving the Treaty of London-Action of American Government-Hamilton appearing to great Advantage-Mr. Adams's real Feelings in respect to our Foreign Relations when he entered the Presidency-Character of the Members of his Cabinet Their unfortunate Influence over him-Early Indications of this-Pinckney ordered out of France-President convenes Congress-His violent Message-Answers of the Houses-Congress enters upon War Measures-Cooled by News of French Victories Jefferson's View of the Call of an Extra Session, and of the President's Speech-Last Political Link between him and Adams snapped-Another Theory, based on Misrepresentation-Origin of Jefferson's Parliamentary Manual-Letters to his Daughters-The Mazzei Letter published in the United States-Its Inaccuracies and Interpolations-Comments of Federal Press-Jefferson to Madison on the SubjectWashington's manner of receiving the Letter-Marshall's Statements-Pickering's absurd Assertions and Conjectures-Jefferson's Denial-Sparks's supposed Suspicions that Correspondence had been abstracted from Letter-books of Washington-His Letter to Author on the Subject-History of the Langhorne Letter-The "Falsehoods of a Malignant Neighbor"-Jefferson's Personal Feelings towards Washington-A Remark of Lafayette-Testimony of Mr. Jefferson's Family-Jefferson President of American Philosophical Society-Charge of Judge Iredell at United States Court at RichmondGrand Jury present Letters of Members of Congress-Jefferson's deep Feeling on the Subject His Home Life during the Summer of 1797.

On the 8th of February, 1797, the votes for President and Vice-President having been opened and declared in the presence of the two houses of Congress, Vice-President Adams rose and proclaimed John Adams and Thomas Jefferson President and Vice-President of the United States from the 4th of March next; and in the fullness of his heart he proceeded to "ask grace" as follows: "And may the Sovereign of the Universe, the ordainer of civil government on earth for the preservation

CHAP. VII.]

JEFFERSON'S ACCEPTANCE-CEREMONIES.

333

of liberty, peace and justice among men, enable them both to discharge the duties of those offices with conscientious diligence, punctuality and perseverance!"

It had been widely reported that Mr. Jefferson would, in all probability, decline accepting the Vice-Presidency; and therefore, though "not aware of any necessity of going on to Philadelphia immediately, yet, as a mark of respect to the public, and to do away the doubts which had spread that he should consider the second office as beneath his acceptance," he determined on a winter journey to Philadelphia-" a tremendous undertaking for him," he said, "who had not been seven miles from home since his re-settlement"-for the purpose of presiding at the usual special session of the Senate on the 4th of March, and which was not likely to continue beyond one day.

To Mr. Tazewell, one of the Virginia senators, he wrote, January 16th, mentioning that on the first election of President and Vice-President, he heard "gentlemen of considerable office were sent to notify the parties chosen. But that was the inauguration of our new Government, and ought not to be drawn into example. At the second election both gentlemen were on the spot and needed no messengers. On the present occasion the President would be on the spot, so that what was now to be done respected himself alone." For these reasons, and from the great inconvenience which would often arise from the custom, he hoped "the Senate would adopt that method of notification which would always be least troublesome and most certain," namely, the post-office. As there might be a difference in the Senate on the subject, from the impression of members of what might be his preferences, he authorized Mr. Tazewell, "if a different proposition should make it necessary," to declare what those preferences were.

He again wrote Madison, January 30th, that he was satisfied. he could as legally be sworn in at home, but that "he should come on, on the principle which had first determined him— respect to the public." He added, "I hope I shall be made a part of no ceremony whatever. I shall escape into the city as covertly as possible. If Governor Mifflin should show any symptoms of ceremony, pray contrive to parry them."

1 Jefferson to Madison, Jan. 22, 1797.