CHAP. X.]

DISSENSIONS AMONG THE FEDERALISTS.

537

dolph I learn she was to go up this month. The uncertainty where she was, prevented my writing to her for a long time. If she is still with you, express to her all my love and tenderness for her. Your tables have been ready some time, and will go in a vessel which sails for Richmond this week. They are packed in a box marked J. W. E., and will be delivered to Mr. Jefferson probably about the latter part of this month.

I write no news for Mr. Eppes because my letters are so slow in getting to you that he will see everything first in the newspapers. Assure him of my sincere affections, and present the same to the family of Eppington if you are together. Cherish your own health for the sake of so many to whom you are so dear, and especially for one who loves you with unspeakable tenderness. Adieu, my dearest Maria. TH. JEFFERSON.

To MARTHA JEFFERSON RANDOLPH.

(Extract.)

PHILADELPHIA, April 22, 1800.

Mr. Eppes informs me that Maria was so near well that they expected in a few days to go to Mont Blanco. Your departure gives me a hope her cure was at length established. A long and painful case it has been, and not the most so to herself or those about her; my anxieties have been excessive. I shall go by Mont Blanco to take her home with me. I long once more to get all together again; and still hope, notwithstanding your present establishment, you will pass a great deal of the summer with us. I wish to urge it just so far as not to break in on your and Mr. Randolph's desires and convenience. Our scenes here can never be pleasant; but they have been less stormy, less painful, than during the XYZ paroxysms.

Mr. Jefferson's general characterization of the late session of Congress was most accurate. The Hamiltonians in the Senate were ready to brave public sentiment to any extent; but the House faltered. Any vehement action pending the new French negotiations would call forth universal reprobation. Mr. Adams had his Federal enemies at his mercy as he would have had them nearly a year earlier had he done his duty to his country and to himself. Hamilton's rod of power was broken. When he no longer had General Washington's "ægis" as a cover for plans of which Washington knew as little as any man in the nation, the moderate Federalists rallied. Some of them resented the dictation they had endured; some of them suspected and repudiated Hamilton's designs. We shall have clear proof of this before the final adjournment of this Congress.

1

We do not find his customary programme drawn up for this session, any farther than it is hinted in a letter we have quoted

See Hamilton to Colonel Lear, Jan. 2d, 1800. Hamilton's Works, vol. vi. p. 415.

538

HAMILTON'S PROSPECTS AND MOTIVES.

[CHAP. X.

to Mr. King. There was manifestly a degree of confusion and hesitation in the Federal ranks. Hamilton's published correspondence contains but five letters written by him during the session. One to Sedgwick contains the only direct allusions to the writer's interference in Congressional affairs. We give it entire :

DEAR SIR:

NEW YORK, February 27, 1800.

When will Congress probably adjourn? Will anything be settled as to a certain election? Will my presence be requisite as to this or any other purpose, and when? I observe, more and more, that by the jealousy and envy of some, the miserliness of others, and the concurring influence of all foreign powers, America, if she attains to greatness, must creep to it. Will it be so? Slow and sure is no bad maxim. Snails are a wise generation.

P. S. Unless for indispensable reasons, I had rather not come."

The italicization of the original is preserved. This brief note is significant of both the plans and feelings of the writer. General Henry Lee wrote Hamilton, March 5th:

"It gives me pain to find you so despondent. Certainly you cannot regard the calumnies of your enemies. This to them would be high gratification. Nor ought you to despond of your country. We have heretofore prospered when surrounded by infinitely greater difficulties, in contributing to which prosperity no man alive has done more than yourself. Be then more like yourself and resist to victory all your foes." "

66

In reply, Hamilton informed his correspondent that he felt no despondency of any sort ;" that the country could not be "quacked out of its political health;" that "as to himself, he felt that he stood on ground which sooner or later would insure him a triumph over all his enemies;" that he was insensible "in the meantime" to the injustice to which "he was at that moment the victim;" that perhaps "his sensibility was the effect of an exaggerated estimate of his services to the United States," etc.*

Mr. Adams, on receiving the proposals of Miranda—which first broke the great South American project to him—had addressed a note of seven lines to the Secretary of State, Mr. Pickering. He said: "We are friends with Spain. If we were enemies would the project be useful to us? It will not be in

1 See ante, page 468. Hamilton's Works, vol. vi. p. 429. • Ibid. p. 130. • Hamilton's Works, vol. vi. p. 431.

CHAP. X.]

HAMILTON'S PROSPECTS AND MOTIVES.

539

character for me to answer the letter. Will any notice of it in any manner be proper?"1

General Hamilton had never contemplated taking part in the scheme, but as the commander of an army. The United States must furnish the land forces to entitle him to the command. Individuals could not muster such an army and its supplies for want of funds; and the attempt to openly enlist and organize in the United States a large force against a friendly power would certainly bring its projectors in conflict with our neutrality laws. And were all these obstacles overcome, individuals could not give that national guaranty which was one of the main features of the plan. England would not be at all likely to enter into quasi-international stipulations and measures with a band of private adventurers. The United States Government must assume the undertaking, or the American branch of it must wholly fail. There could be no rational hope that the American Government would embark in it directly, or by any roundabout course, against the recommendations of the Executive. Were it otherwise, the command of the expedition would depend upon the Executive will.

Mr. Adams's dry and peculiar answer to Miranda's proposal, and his subsequent conduct in respect to France, gave no hope that he could be persuaded or dragged into the scheme. Not another word appears to have been said to him on the subject. When the death of General Washington left Hamilton without any adventitious protection from the man on whom he had inflicted so many injuries and humiliations, Mr. Adams evidently only awaited an opportunity to settle up scores with him. The approaching Presidential election imposed restraints; but his angry mutterings against the "British party in the United States" could not be wholly suppressed.

Hamilton stood indeed in a discouraging position, in the winter and spring of 1800. He knew that "a large proportion " of the Federalists "still retained the attachment" for Mr. Adams "which was once a common sentiment" among them.' He could not prevent his renomination. If he was elected the Miranda scheme was as much past subsequent resuscitation as it would be in the event of Jefferson's success. Mr. Adams had

1 Adams's Works, vol. viii. p. 600.

2 See his letter on the conduct, etc., of Mr. Adams, 1800. Works, vol. vi. p. 725.

540

THE MIRANDA SCHEME IN 1800.

[CHAP. X. but to ascertain Hamilton's complicity in it, and his hopes connected with it, to become its vehement foe, and perhaps to publicly expose the concealed negotiations with England. And if Mr. Adams was reëlected, Hamilton had every reason to expect that not only his gorgeous South American visions would all fade into utter impossibilities, but that he would be compelled henceforth to face the hatred and fears of the Republicans, reinforced by the hostility of that large majority of Federalists whom he conceded Mr. Adams led.

Is it asked why we continue to place the Miranda scheme among the causes which were likely to form motives to Hamilton's conduct in 1800? It is generally understood that Mr. Adams's refusal to entertain the project in October, 1798, gave it its death-blow. This in reality was the fact. But it gave no death-blow to Hamilton's hopes or efforts. It was in 1799 that he made his disclosures to Gunn, Otis, and others in Congress, and called for great military preparations for this confidentially avowed object. He expected to bring to bear circumstances which would force Mr. Adams into acquiescence. In 1800, he had despaired of the latter; but had he yet given up hopes of his scheme? If so, what mean his declarations to King, January 5th, 1800, that "if the projected cipher was established, he should then have very much to say to him "-that "the arrangement is not yet mature "-that he soon "hopes to make it so, by forwarding" to his correspondent "the counterpart which was in preparation "-that "everything was in the main well," except from the perverseness of " one," etc.?

After studying their previous correspondence, these mysterious references will be seen to point as unmistakably to the Miranda scheme, as if it had been named.

Something besides personal hostility and partisan interest, therefore, conspired to urge Hamilton to look with disfavor on Mr. Adams's election. He resolved to defeat it; and the means and their results will hereafter appear.

If the authority for our hypothesis of Hamilton's feelings in respect to Mr. Adams is asked for, we refer the reader back to the already quoted letter of Hamilton to King, January 5, 1800. We will repeat a paragraph:

"The leading friends of the Government are in a sad dilemma. Shall they risk a serious schism by an attempt to change? Or shall they annihilate themselves and hazard their cause by continuing to uphold those who suspect or hate them, and who are likely to pursue a course for no better reason than because it is contrary to that which they approve ?"

CHAPTER XI.

1800-1801.

Removal of Seat of Government to Washington-Wolcott's, Morris's and Mrs. Adams's Descriptions of the New Capital-Presidential Canvass in 1800-Hamilton's Plan to defeat Mr. Adams-Result of New York Election-Adams removes McHenry and Pickering-Wolcott's Retention, and the Vacancies filled-Effect of the Change-The Legislative Election in New York decides the choice of Electors in that State-Hamilton solicits Governor Jay to practically set aside that Decision-Jay's marked Condemnation of the Proposal-That Proposal a part of a larger Scheme to prevent a fair Election-Some of Hamilton's Assertions to Jay considered-The adoption of his Plans would have led to Civil War-Did he contemplate that Result?-His Tour through New England-Calls on Wolcott for Materials for a Secret Attack on the President-Wolcott promises his Aid-The ex-Secretaries join in this-Other Confederates-Posture of these men as described by themselves-Hamilton's Attack printed for private circulation-Obtained by Burr and published-Some of Hamilton's remarkable Statements in it examined-The Effect of the Paper-Comments of Carroll and Cabot-Comments of Republican Press-Hamilton meditates a Reply-Wisely desists-Jefferson in the Summer of 1800-His Journeyings-Family Census-Farm Matters-Election Expenses -His Correspondence-Attack on him by New England and New York Clergy-Rev. Dr. John M. Mason's Pamphlet-Causes to which Jefferson imputed these AttacksResult of Legislative Election in Pennsylvania-Result in Maryland-Second Session of Sixth Congress-President's Speech-Wolcott's Retirement-Jefferson to R. R. Livingston and to Burr-How far Burr contributed to the Republican Success in New YorkBurr suspected of Intriguing in New York for the Presidency-Accused of it on strong Evidence in New Jersey-His Instruments approach a Member of Congress-Jefferson to Political and Scientific Correspondents-House of Representatives agree on Rules of Election-The Electoral Votes counted in the Senate-M. L. Davis's Fabrications concerning the Georgia Returns-The Result a Tie between Jefferson and BurrThe prior Arrangements of the Federalists for such a Contingency-Hamilton to Bayard and Wolcott-Proposes to start Burr "for the Plate," but objects to the Federalists supporting him-Pronounces him the Catiline of America, etc.-Further Correspondence on this Subject-Positions of Cabot, Otis and Sedgwick-Morris's important Disclosures-Marshall's and Bayard's Positions-Sedgwick changes Ground-Hamilton's final Appeal-Adams to Gerry-The Opinions of Jefferson disclosed by preceding Correspondence-Hamilton's unfortunate Position to produce any Effect-Federal Caucus decide to support Burr-The Conduct of the Party considered-Jefferson to his Daughter-Incidents of House of Representatives meeting to Ballot for PresidentResult of the Ballot-Political Complexion of the Vote-The continued BallotingsRandolph's and Dana's Bulletins-Jefferson to Dr. Barton, Monroe, Mrs. Eppes, etc.Entries in the Ana-The Struggle terminated-Jefferson's Obligations to Federalists considered-The entire Advantage of the Republicans if Force was resorted to-The Arbitration of Arms expected by both parties in case of Usurpation or AnarchyBurr's reprehensible Conduct during the Struggle in the House-His probable resort to all safe Means to procure an Election.

THE removal of the seat of Government to Washington took place in June, 1800. Though this spot had been for twelve

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