THAT governours have been sometimes given them only that a great man might get ease from importunity, and that they have had judges not always of the deepest learning, or the purest integrity, we have no great reason to doubt, because such misfortunes happen to ourselves. Whoever is governed will sometimes be governed ill, even when he is most concerned in his own government.

THAT improper officers or magistrates are sent, is the crime or folly of those that sent them. When incapacity is discovered, it ought to be removed; if corruption is detected, it ought to be punished. No government could subsist for a day, if single errors could justify defection.

ONE of their complaints is not such as can claim much commiseration from the softest bosom. They tell us, that we have changed our conduct, and that a tax is now laid by Parliament on those which were never taxed by Parliament before. To this we think it may be easily answered, that the longer they have been spared, the better they can pay.

IT is certainly not much their interest to represent innovation as criminal or invidious; for they have introduced into the history of mankind a new mode of disaffection, and have given, I believe, the first example of a proscription published by a Colony against the Mothercountry.

To what is urged of new powers granted to the Courts of Admiralty, or the extension of authority conferred on the judges, it may be answered in a few words, that they have themselves made such regulations necessary; that they are established for the prevention of greater evils; at the same time, it must be observed, that these powers have not been extended since the rebellion in America. . .

us.

...

Ir were a curious, but an idle speculation to inquire, what effect these dictators of sedition expect from the dispersion of their letter among If they believe their own complaints of hardship, and really dread the danger which they describe, they will naturally hope to communicate their own perceptions to their fellow-subjects. But probably in America, as in other places, the chiefs are incendiaries, that hope to rob in the tumults of a conflagration, and toss brands among a rabble passively combustible. Those who wrote the Address, though they have shown no great extent or profundity of mind, are yet probably wiser than to believe it: but they have been taught by some master of mischief, how to put in motion the engine of political electricity; to attract

by the sounds of Liberty and Property, to repel by those of Popery and Slavery; and to give the great stroke by the name of Boston.

WHEN subordinate communities oppose the decrees of the general legislature with defiance thus audacious, and malignity thus acrimonious, nothing remains but to conquer or to yield; to allow their claim of independence, or to reduce them by force to submission and allegiance.

WHILE these different opinions are agitated, it seems to be determined by the Legislature, that force shall be tried. Men of the pen have seldom any great skill in conquering kingdoms, but they have strong inclination to give advice. I cannot forbear to wish, that this commotion may end without bloodshed, and that the rebels may be subdued by terrour rather than by violence; and therefore recommend such a force as may take away, not only the power, but the hope of resistance, and by conquering without a battle, save many from the sword. If their obstinacy continues without actual hostilities, it may perhaps be mollified by turning out the soldiers to free quarters, forbidding any personal cruelty or hurt. It has been proposed, that the slaves should be set free, an act which surely the lovers of liberty cannot but commend. If they are furnished with fire arms for defence, and utensils for husbandry, and settled in some simple form of government within the country, they may be more grateful and honest than their masters.

FAR be it from any Englishman to thirst for the blood of his fellowsubjects. Those who most deserve our resentment are unhappily at less distance. The Americans, when the Stamp Act was first proposed, undoubtedly disliked it, as every nation dislikes an impost; but they had no thought of resisting it, till they were encouraged and incited by European intelligence from men whom they thought their friends, but who were friends only to themselves.

On the original contrivers of mischief let an insulted nation pour out its vengeance. With whatever design they have inflamed this pernicious contest, they are themselves equally detestable. If they wish success to the Colonies, they are traitors to this country; if they wish their defeat, they are traitors at once to America and England. To them and them only must be imputed the interruption of commerce, and the miseries of war, the sorrow of those that shall be ruined, and the blood of those that shall fall.

[Samuel Johnson], Taxation no Tyranny; an Answer to the Resolutions and Address of the American Congress (London, 1775), 55–87 passim.

157. The Tyranny of King George Third (1776)

BY CHIEF JUSTICE WILLIAM HENRY DRAYTON

Drayton was one of the most ardent patriots, and, as in this instance, often made his charges to the grand jury statements of the American grievances. His arraignment of the king marks a change from the first theory, that "wicked ministers" alone were responsible for bad measures. Bibliography: Winsor, Narrative and Critical History, VI, 119; Tyler, Literary History of the Revolution, I, 491–493.

SOUTH-CAROLINA.

AT an adjournment of the court of general sessions of the peace, oyer

and terminer, assize and general goal delivery, held at Charlestown, for the district of Charlestown, on Tuesday the 23d day of April, 1776, before the Hon. William Henry Drayton, Esq; Chief Justice, and his associates justices of the colony of South Carolina.

With joyful acclamations, our ancestors by act of assembly passed on the 18th day of August 1721, recognized the British monarch: the virtues of the second George are still revered among us he, was the father of his people and it was with extacy we saw his grandson George the Third mount the throne possessed of the hearts of his subjects.

But alas! Almost with the commencement of his reign, his subjects felt causes to complain of government. The reign advanced — the grievances became more numerous and intolerable- the complaints more general and loud - the whole empire resounded with the cries of injured subjects! At length, grievances being unredressed and ever increasing; all patience being borne down; all hope destroyed; all confidence in royal government blasted! - Behold! the empire is rent from pole to pole! perhaps to continue asunder for ever!

The catalogue of our oppressions, continental and local, is enormous. Of such oppressions, I will mention only some of the most weighty. Under colour of law, the [king] and parliament of Great Britain have made the most arbitrary attempts to enslave America.

By claiming a right to bind the colonies, in all cases whatsoever. By laying duties at their mere will and pleasure, upon all the colonies.

By suspending the legislature of New-York.

By rendering the American charters of no validity, having annulled the most material parts of the charter of the Massachusetts Bay.

By divesting multitudes of the colonists of their property, without legal accusation or trial.

By depriving whole colonies of the bounty of providence on their own proper coasts; in order to coerce them by famine.

By restricting the trade and commerce of America.

By sending to, and continuing in America, in time of peace, an armed force without, and against the consent of the people.

By granting impunity to a soldiery instigated to murder the Americans. By declaring, that the people of Massachusetts Bay are liable for offences, or pretended offences done in that colony, to be sent to, and tried for the same in England, or in any colony, where they cannot have the benefit of a jury of the vicinage.

By establishing in Quebec the Roman Catholic religion, and an arbitrary government; instead of the Protestant religion and a free govern

ment.

Thus forced to take up arms in our own defence, America yet again most dutifully petitioned the king that he would 'be pleased to direct some mode, by which the united applications of his faithful colonists to the throne, in presence of their common councils, might be improved into a happy and permanent reconciliation; and that in the mean time, measures might be taken for preventing the further destruction of the lives of his majesty's subjects: 'But, it was in vain !

In this enlightened age, humanity must be particularly shocked at a recital of such violences; and it is scarce to be believed, that the British tyranny could entertain an idea of proceeding against America, by a train of more dishonourable machinations. But nothing less than absolute proof has convinced us, that in the carrying on the conspiracy against the rights of humanity, the tyranny is capable of attempting to perpetrate whatever is infamous.

...

... Oh Almighty director of the universe! What confidence can be put in a government ruling by such engines, and upon such principles of unnatural destruction! A government, that on the 21st day of December last, made a law, ex post facto, to justify what had been done, not only without law, but in its nature unjust! a law to make prize of all vessels trading in, to, or from the United Colonies; a law to make slaves of the crews of such vessels, and to compel them to bear arms against their conscience, their fathers, their bleeding country! The world, so old as it is, heretofore had never heard of so attrocious a procedure. It has no parallel in the registers of tyranny. . . .

our liberties and safety cannot be depended upon, if the King of Great Britain should be allowed to hold our forts and cannon; or to

have authority over a single regiment in America, or a single ship of war in our ports; for if he holds our forts, he may turn them against us, as he did Boston against her proprietors. If he acquires our cannon, he will effectually disarm the colony; if he has a command of troops among us, even if we raise and pay them, shackles are fixed upon us - witness Ireland and her national army. The most express act of parliament cannot give us security; for acts of parliament are as easily repealed as made. Royal proclamations are not to be depended upon - witness the disappointments of the inhabitants of Quebec and St. Augustine. Even a change of ministry will not avail us; because, notwithstanding the rapid succession of ministers, for which the British court has been famous during the present reign, yet the same ruinous policy ever continued to prevail against America. In short, I think it my duty to declare, in the awful seat of justice, and before Almighty God, that in my opinion, the Americans can have no safety but by the divine favour, their own virtue, and their being so prudent, as not to leave it in the power of the British rulers to injure them. Indeed, the ruinous and deadly injuries received on our side; and the jealousies entertained, and which, in the nature of things, must daily encrease against us on the other; demonstrate to a mind in the least given to reflection, upon the rise and fall of empires, that true reconcilement never can exist between Great Britain and America, the latter being in subjection to the former. The Almighty created America to be independent of Britain - Let us beware of the impiety of being backward to act as instruments in the Almighty hand, now extended to accomplish his purpose; and by the completion of which alone, America, in the nature of human affairs, can be secure against the craft and insidious designs of her enemies, who think her prosperity and power already by far too great. In a word, our piety and political safety are so blended, that to refuse our labours in this divine work, is to refuse to be a great, a free, a pious, and a happy people!

[John Almon, compiler], The Remembrancer, 1776 (London, 1776), Part II, 320-330 passim.

158. An Obstinate Guelph (1777-1778)

BY KING GEORGE THIRD

One of the most serious reasons for the Revolution was the unflinching determination of the king to assert his authority both over the colonies and against Parliament.