Remarks on Article 2d, relative to Boundaries.

The Court of Great Britain insisted on retaining all the territories comprehended within the Province of Quebec, by the act of parliament respecting it. They contended that Nova Scotia should extend to the River Kennebec; and they claimed not only all the lands in the western country and on the Mississippi, which were not expressly included in our charters and governments, but also such lands within them as remained ungranted by the King of Great Britain. It would be endless to enumerate all the discussions and arguments on the subject.

We knew this Court and Spain to be against our claims to the western country, and having no reason to think that lines more favorable could ever have been obtained, we finally agreed to those described in this article; indeed, they appear to leave us little to complain of, and not much to desire. Congress will observe, that although our northern line is in a certain part below the latitude of forty-five, yet in others it extends above it, divides the Lake Superior, and gives us access to its western and southern waters, from which a line in that latitude would have excluded us.

Remarks on Article 4th, respecting Creditors.

We had been informed that some of the States had confiscated British debts; but although each State has a right to bind its own citizens, yet, in our opinion, it appertains solely to congress, in whom exclusively are vested the rights of making war and peace, to pass acts against the subjects of a power with which the confederacy may be at war. It therefore only remained for us to consider, whether this article is founded in justice and good policy.

In our opinion, no acts of government could dissolve the obligations of good faith resulting from lawful contracts between individuals of the two countries, prior to the war. We knew that some of the British creditors were making common cause with the refugees and other adversaries of our independence; besides, sacrificing private justice to reasons of state and political convenience, is always an odious measure ; and the purity of our reputation in this respect, in all foreign commercial countries, is of infinitely more importance to us than all the sums in question. It may also be remarked, that American and British creditors are placed on an equal footing.

Remarks on Articles 5th and 6th, respecting Refugees.

These articles were among the first discussed and the last agreed to.

And had not the conclusion of this business at the time of its date been particularly important to the British administration, the respect, which both in London and Versailles, is supposed to be due to the honor, dignity, and interest of royalty, would probably have forever prevented our bringing this article so near to the views of congress and the sovereign rights of the States as it now stands. When it is considered that it was utterly impossible to render this article perfectly consistent, both with American and British ideas of honor, we presume that the middle line adopted by this article, is as little unfavorable to the former as any that could in reason be expected.

As to the separate article, we beg leave to observe, that it was our policy to render the navigation of the River Mississippi so important to Britain as that their views might correspond with ours on that subject. Their possessing the country on the river north of the line from the Lake of the Woods affords a foundation for their claiming such navigation. And as the importance of West Florida to Britain was for the same reason rather to be strengthened than otherwise, we thought it advisable to allow them the extent contained in the separate article, especially as before the war it had been annexed by Britain to West Florida, and would operate as an additional inducement to their joining with us in agreeing that the navigation of the river should forever remain open to both. The map used in the course of our negotiations was Mitchell's.

As we had reason to imagine that the articles respecting the boundaries, the refugees, and fisheries, did not correspond with the policy of this Court, we did not communicate the preliminaries to the minister until after they were signed; (and not even then the separate article). We hope that these considerations will excuse our having so far deviated from the spirit of our instructions. The Count de Vergennes, on perusing the articles appeared surprised, (but not displeased), at their being so favorable to us.

We beg leave to add our advice, that copies be sent us of the accounts directed to be taken by the different States, of the unnecessary devastations and sufferings sustained by them from the enemy in the course of the war. Should they arrive before the signature of the definitive treaty, they might possibly answer very good purposes.

John Adams, Works (edited by Charles Francis Adams, Boston, 1853), VIII, 18-20.

218. Foundation of the Society of the Cincinnati

(1783)

BY GENERAL WILLIAM HEATH (1798)

Heath was a Massachusetts officer, brave and distinguished. His memoirs were put into form later in life. Bibliography of Heath: Winsor, Narrative and Critical History, VI, 127-128. Bibliography of the Cincinnati: Winsor, Narrative and Critical History, VI, 746.

A

LITTLE before this time [June, 1783], the officers of the army beginning to realize that the dissolution of the army was drawing nigh, and wishing to perpetuate that friendship which numerous hardships, sufferings, and common dangers had inspired in their breasts, resolved to form themselves into a Society, by the name of the Cincinnati. Several meetings were had for the purpose, and an Institution was digested and completed; and although our General presided at one of the meetings, and cheerfully, at the request of his brother officers, transmitted copies of the Institution, covered by a letter, to the officer commanding the southern army, and to the senior officers of the respective State lines, from Pennsylvania to Georgia — yet he had serious objections to the Institution, as it stood, and refused for some time to sign it. He wished, as much as any one in the army, to perpetuate the happy friendship cemented in the breasts of the officers by an eight years common danger and sufferings; but he thought this would be best done, by simply forming a Society, to meet annually in their respective States, for the purpose of a social hour, and to brighten the chain of friendship, with a fund for the relief of the unfortunate of their brethren ; but he was opposed to any idea of any thing that had any resemblance of an order, or any insignia or badge of distinction, asserting that it would only serve to mark them in an unfavourable light with their fellowcitizens: but the prevailing opinion of the officers was otherwise. Our General was finally induced to sign the Institution, from the following consideration (but not until all the officers were appointed, and he nearly ready to leave the army) conversing with an officer of rank, who was of the same opinion with him, they parted in the resolution not to sign the Institution; but the next morning, the officer called upon him, and observed, that one consideration, not before mentioned, had occurred to him, viz. that it might happen in the days of their posterity, in case they did not sign, that the descendant of one who was a member might happen to fall in company with the descendant of one who was not;

that the latter, on observing the badge, might inquire what it was, and what its intention? upon its being answered, that it was the insignia of a Society, of which his ancestor, who served in the American army, during the revolution, was a member the other might reply, my ancestor too served during that war, but I never heard any thing of such a badge in our family; to which it might probably be answered, it is likely your ancestor was guilty of some misconduct, which deprived him of it. Upon this, our General broke out" I see it, I see it, and spurn the idea;" which led him to sign the general Institution: and he subscribed to the State fund, 166 dollars, being one month's pay, as was stipulated in the Institution. He however never met with the Society, although no one has cherished a warmer affection for every member of the army. After the revolution in France, finding that the insignias of distinctions were doing away, it led him anew to review the distinction which the badge of the Society to which he belonged, if not in fact, yet in appearance seemed to exhibit, and brought to mind all his former objections, which induced him to write to the Secretary-General to erase his name from the Institution; but that his subscription to the fund should remain, so long as it was applied to the purpose for which it was given — the relief of the unfortunate.

Major-General [William] Heath, Memoirs. ... Written by himself (Boston, 1798), 380-382.

219. The Closing Scene (1783)

BY DOCTOR WILLIAM GORDON

Gordon was an Englishman, from 1772 till after the Revolution a minister in Roxbury, Massachusetts. He made careful researches while the Revolution was going on, but afterwards pruned his manuscript to suit the British public. — Bibliography: Tyler, Literary History of the Revolution, II, 423-428; Winsor, Narrative and Critical History, VI, 518.

GE

ENERAL Washington, after delivering in his accounts, hastened. to Annapolis, where he arrived on the evening of the 19th of December. The next day he informed congress of his arrival in that city, with the intention of asking leave to resign the commission he had the honor of holding in their service, and desired to know their pleasure in what manner it would be most proper to offer his resignation — whether in writing or at an audience. They resolved that it should be

at a public audience, the following Tuesday at twelve o'clock. The general had been so reserved with regard to the time of his intended resignation, that congress had not the least apprehension of its being either so soon or so sudden.

When the day was arrived, and the hour approached for fixing the patriotic character of the AMERICAN CHIEF, the gallery was filled with a beautiful group of elegant ladies, and some graced the floor of congress. On this were likewise the governor, council and legislature of Maryland, several general officers, the consul general of France, and the respectable citizens of Annapolis. Congress were seated and cov ered, as representatives of the sovereignty of the Union, the spectators were uncovered and standing. The general was introduced to a chair by the secretary, who, after a decent interval, ordered silence. A short pause ensued, when the honorable Thomas Mifflin, the president, informed the general, that “the United States in congress assembled were prepared to receive his communications:" on which he rose with great dignity, and delivered this address—“Mr. President, The great events on which my resignation depended having at length taken place, I have now the honor of offering my sincere congratulations to Congress, and of presenting myself before them, to surrender into their hands the trust committed to me, and to claim the indulgence of retiring from the service of my country.

"Happy in the confirmation of our independence and sovereignty, and pleased with the opportunity afforded the United States, of becoming a respectable nation, I resign with satisfaction the appointment I accepted with diffidence — a diffidence in my abilities to accomplish so arduous a task; which however was superseded by a confidence in the rectitude of our cause, the support of the supreme power of the union, and the patronage of Heaven.

"The successful termination of the war has verified the most sanguine expectations; and my gratitude for the interposition of Providence, and the assistance I have received from my countrymen, increases with every review of the momentous contest.

"While I repeat my obligations to the army in general, I should do injustice to my own feelings not to acknowledge, in this place, the peculiar services and distinguished merits of the gentlemen who have been attached to my person during the war. It was impossible the choice of confidential officers to compose my family should have been more fortunate. Permit me, sir, to recommend in particular, those who have con