CHAPTER IV-MIDDLE COLONIES

25. Pennsylvania, the Poor Man's Paradise (1698)

BY GABRIEL THOMAS

Gabriel Thomas, one of the most sprightly and individual of colonial writers, labored for seventeen years to build up the Quaker settlements in America. Bibliography: Tyler, American Literature, II, 228-229; Winsor, Narrative and Critical History, V, 242-245; Channing and Hart, Guide, § 108.- - For previous Pennsylvania history, see Contemporaries, I, ch. xxiv.

ND now for their Lots and Lands in City and Countrey, in their

within the compass of about Twelve Years, that which might have been bought for Fifteen or Eighteen Shillings, is now sold for Fourscore Pounds in ready Silver; and some other Lots, that might have been then Purchased for Three Pounds, within the space of Two Years, were sold for a Hundred Pounds a piece. . . .

Now the true Reason why this Fruitful Countrey and Florishing City advance so considerably in the Purchase of Lands both in the one and the other, is their great and extended Traffique and Commerce both by Sea and Land, viz. to New-York, New-England, Virginia, Mary-Land,. Carolina, Jamaica, Barbadoes, Nevis, Monserat, Antego, St. Cristophers, Barmudoes, New-Found-Land, Maderas, Saltetudeous, and Old-England; besides several other places. Their Merchandize chiefly consists in Horses, Pipe-Staves, Pork and Beef Salted and Barrelled up, Bread, and Flower, all sorts of Grain, Pease, Beans, Skins, Furs, Tobacco, or Pot-Ashes, Wax, &c. which are Barter'd for Rumm, Sugar, Molasses, Silver, Negroes, Salt, Wine, Linen, Houshold-Goods, &c.

However, there still remain Lots of Land both in the aforesaid City and Country, that any may Purchase almost as cheap as they could at the first Laying out or Parcelling of either City or Country. . .

. . . the Countrey at the first, laying out, was void of Inhabitants (except the Heathens, or very few Christians not worth naming) and not many People caring to abandon a quiet and easie (at least tolerable) Life in their Native Countrey (usually the most agreeable to all Man

kind) to seek out a new hazardous, and careful one in a Foreign Wilderness or Desart Countrey, wholly destitute of Christian Inhabitants, and even to arrive at which, they must pass over a vast Ocean, expos'd to some Dangers, and not a few Inconveniencies: But now all those Cares, Fears and Hazards are vanished, for the Countrey is pretty well Peopled, and very much Improv'd, and will be more every Day, now the Dove is return'd with the Olive-branch of Peace in her Mouth.

I must needs say, even the Present Encouragements are very great and inviting, for Poor People (both Men and Women) of all kinds, can here get three times the Wages for their Labour they can in England or Wales.

I shall instance in a few, which may serve; nay, and will hold in all the rest. The first was a Black-Smith, (my next Neighbour) who himself and one Negro Man he had, got Fifty Shillings in one Day, by working up a Hundred Pound Weight of Iron, which at Six Pence per Pound (and that is the common Price in that Countrey) amounts to that Summ. . .

Felt-Makers will have for their Hats Seven Shillings a piece, such as may be bought in England for Two Shillings a piece; yet they buy their Wooll commonly for Twelve or Fifteen Pence per Pound. And as to the Glaziers, they will have Five Pence a Quarry for their Glass. The Rule for the Coopers I have almost forgot; but this I can affirm of some who went from Bristol, (as their Neighbours report) that could hardly get their Livelihoods there, are now reckon'd in Pensilvania, by a modest Computation to be worth some Hundreds, (if not Thousands) of Pounds. The Bakers make as White Bread as any in London, and as for their Rule, it is the same in all Parts of the World that I have been in. . .

Of Lawyers and Physicians I shall say nothing, because this Countrey is very Peaceable and Healty; long may it so continue and never have occasion for the Tongue of the one, nor the Pen of the other, both equally destructive to Mens Estates and Lives; besides forsooth, they, Hang-Man like, have a License to Murder and make Mischief. Labouring-Men have commonly here, between 14 and 15 Pounds a Year, and their Meat, Drink, Washing and Lodging; and by the Day their Wages is generally between Eighteen Pence and Half a Crown, and Diet also; But in Harvest they have usually between Three and Four Shilling each Day, and Diet. The Maid Servants Wages is commonly betwixt Six and Ten Pounds per Annum, with very good Accommodation. And for the Women who get their Livelihood by their own Industry, their Labour

is very dear, for I can buy in London a Cheese-Cake for Two Pence, bigger than theirs at that price when at the same time their Milk is as cheap as we can buy it in London, and their Flour cheaper by one half.

Corn and Flesh, and what else serves Man for Drink, Food and Rayment, is much cheaper here than in England, or elsewhere; but the chief reason why Wages of Servants of all sorts is much higher here than there, arises from the great Fertility and Produce of the Place; besides, if these large Stipends were refused them, they would quickly set up for themselves, for they can have Provision very cheap, and Land for a very small matter, or next to nothing in comparison of the Purchace of Lands in England; and the Farmers there, can better afford to give that great Wages than the Farmers in England can, for several Reasons very obvious.

As First, their Land costs them (as I said but just now) little or nothing in comparison, of which the Farmers commonly will get twice the encrease of Corn for every Bushel they sow, that the Farmers in England can from the richest Land they have.

In the Second place, they have constantly good price for their Corn, by reason of the great and quick vent into Barbadoes and other Islands; through which means Silver is become more plentiful than here in England, considering the Number of People, and that causes a quick Trade for both Corn and Cattle; and that is the reason that Corn differs now from the Price formerly, else it would be at half the Price it was at then ; for a Brother of mine (to my own particular knowledge) sold within the compass of one Week, about One Hundred and Twenty fat Beasts, most of them good handsom large Oxen.

Thirdly, They pay no Tithes, and their Taxes are inconsiderable; the Place is free for all Persuasions, in a Sober and Civil way; for the Church of England and the Quakers bear equal Share in the Government. They live Friendly and Well together; there is no Persecution for Religion, nor ever like to be; 'tis this that knocks all Commerce on the Head, together with high Imposts, strict Laws, and cramping Orders. Before I end this Paragraph, I shall add another Reason why Womens Wages are so exorbitant; they are not yet very numerous, which makes them stand upon high Terms for their several Services, in Sempstering, Washing, Spinning, Knitting, Sewing, and in all the other parts of their Imployments; for they have for Spinning either Worsted or Linen, Two Shillings a Pound, and commonly for Knitting a very Course pair of Yarn Stockings, they have half a Crown a pair; moreover they are usually Marry'd before they are Twenty Years of Age, and when once in

that Noose, are for the most part a little uneasie, and make their Husbands so too, till they procure them a Maid Servant to bear the burden of the Work, as also in some measure to wait on them too. .

Reader, what I have here written, is not a Fiction, Flam, Whim, or any sinister Design, either to impose upon the Ignorant, or Credulous, or to curry Favour with the Rich and Mighty, but in meer Pity and pure Compassion to the Numbers of Poor Labouring Men, Women, and Children in England, half starv'd, visible in their meagre looks, that are continually wandering up and down looking for Employment without finding any, who here need not lie idle a moment, nor want due Encouragement or Reward for their Work, much less Vagabond or Drone it about. Here are no Beggars to be seen (it is a Shame and Disgrace to the State that there are so many in England) nor indeed have any here the least Occasion or Temptation to take up that Scandalous Lazy Life.

What I have deliver'd concerning this Province, is indisputably true, I was an Eye-Witness to it all, for I went in the first Ship that was bound from England for that Countrey, since it received the Name of Pensil vania, which was in the Year 1681. The Ship's Name was the John and Sarah of London, Henry Smith Commander. I have declin'd giving any Account of several things which I have only heard others speak of, because I did not see them my self, for I never held that way infallible, to make Reports from Hear-say. I saw the first Cellar when it was digging for the use of our Governour Will. Penn.

Gabriel Thomas, An Historical and Geographical Account of the Province and Country of Pensilvania, etc. (London, 1698), 23-45 passim.

26. Proposal to Unite the two Jerseys (1701)

BY THE LORDS COMMISSIONERS FOR TRADE AND PLANTATIONS

This piece was prepared by the heads of the Colonial Office in London (commonly called the “Lords of Trade"). Their organization is set forth in Contemporaries, Í, No. 54, and No. 46 below. Bibliography: Channing and Hart, Guide, § 106. — For previous accounts of New Jersey, see Contemporaries, I, ch. xxv.

IN

N obedience to your excellencies commands, signified to us by Mr. Yard, upon several papers laid before your excellencies, relating to the state of his majesty's provinces of East and West-Jersey, in

America: We have considered all the said papers, together with others of the like nature, that were already in our hands; and having likewise heard what the proprietors and others had to offer; we thereupon most humbly report to your excellencies,

That those countries which are now known by the name of East and West New-Jersey, were granted, together with several other territories, by king Charles the second, by letters patents, bearing date the 12th day of March, 1664, to the then duke of York, his heirs and assigns. . .

That the said duke of York did thereupon grant, convey and assign, the said provinces, (by the names of Nova-Cæsaria or New-Jersey) to John lord Berkeley and sir George Carteret, their heirs and assigns, with all and every the appurtenances thereto belonging, in as full and ample manner as the same was granted to him, by the aforesaid letters patents of king Charles the second.

That his said majesty king Charles the second, by other letters patents, dated the 29th of June, 1674, did again grant and convey to the said duke of York, all the said lands and territories, in the same manner as before expressed; and that several sub-divisions and sales, having in the mean while been made by the said lord Berkeley, sir George Carteret, and others claiming under them; he the said duke of York, did, by indenture, dated the 6th day of August, 1680, grant and confirm the province of West New-Jersey, with all the appurtenances thereunto belonging, to Edward Byllinge, of Westminster, gent. in whom the title. thereunto then was, and to his heirs and assigns forever; and did in like manner, by indenture, dated the 14th day of March, 1682, grant and confirm the province of East New-Jersey, with all the appurtenances thereto belonging, to James Earl of Perth, William Penn, esq; and several other persons, in whom the title to the same then was.

That the present proprietors, who derive their respective titles to their several shares and proportions of the soil of these provinces, by several mean conveyances, from and under the aforementioned grants to Edward Byllinge, and to the Earl of Perth, and other persons to whom the duke of York had immediately conveyed the same; do in like manner, and by virtue of divers such mean conveyances, claim the same powers and rights of government as were granted by king Charles the second, to the duke of York; and by him to others, according to the tenor of the aforesaid indentures.

That nevertheless, we do not find, that any sufficient form of government has ever been settled in those provinces, either by the duke of