Philip of Hesse, drew to his party the new Elector of Saxony, John the Constant (May 5, 1525), whom he induced to sign a treaty of alliance, concluded at Torgau, May 4, 1526, by which the Protestant princes bound themselves to defend the principles and uphold the interests of Lutheranism in their respective States-Mecklenburg, Anhalt, Mansfeld, Prussia; and the cities of Brunswick and Magdeburg, shortly after, joined this alliance. In this way was the line of separation drawn between Catholic and Protestant Germany.1

If there was ever a time when it was to the interest of the Pope to closely ally himself to the emperor, it was now; for Charles V., and he alone, was able and willing to maintain the Catholic Church in Germany. But unfortunately Clement failed to appreciate his opportunity, and imprudently published a brief hostile to the interests of Charles, and entered into an alliance with Francis I. The consequences of his action were disastrous. The emperor's forces besieged Rome on two different occasions, stormed and plundered the city, made the Pope prisoner, and offered many indignities to his person (May 6, 1527).

§ 308. The New Teachings and their Practical Consequences-Disorders at Wittenberg caused by Carlstadt-The Anabaptists and the Peasants' War.

The teachings of Luther soon found their way from his writings into the practical affairs of life. From his height at Wartburg, he flung down among the people his pamphlets on "Monastic Vows" and "The Abuse of Masses."3 Bartholomew Bernhardi, a priest of the town of Kemberg, startled the world by openly taking a wife. The Augustinian friars of Wittenberg, Luther's brothers in religion, declared their Vows and the Rules of their Order null and void. Luther had told them, in his pamphlet "On Monastic Vows," that such restrictions were contrary to the command of God; that monasticism itself was a revolt against Christ; and that, hence, monasteries should be burned with fire, pitch, and brimstone, and utterly swept from the face of the earth, like Sodom and Gomorrah of old. At Wittenberg, Carlstadt, at the head of a fanatical mob, went about demolishing altars, overturning statues, and destroying pictures and sacred images; and, to put the crown on his sacrilegious conduct, administered the Lord's Supper to all who chose to approach, whether in the state of grace or not; and introduced the use of the German language in religious services.

The limits of the territory included by the Protestant and Catholic alliances may be seen in Wedell's Historical and Geographical Atlas, on Map XVIII., b.

2

See in Raynald., Ad an. 1526, n. 6; also, a defence of the emperor, in Goldasti, Polit. Imp., Pt. XXII., p. 990 sq.; also, a partial defence in Raynald., L. c., n. 22.

Walch, Vol. XIX., pp. 1304 sq. and 1808 sq.-Cf. Riffel, 1st ed., Vol. I., pp. 263267; 2nd ed., pp. 345-350. Luther said, in praise of the former of these two treatises, that, compared with the works he had hitherto written, it was (liber) "munitissimus et quod ausim gloriari invictus."

J. G. Wolter, Prima gloria Clerogamiæ restituta Luthero vindicata, Neostad. ad O. 2767, 4to.

Similar scenes were enacted at Zwickau, where infant baptism was rejected, on the ground that it had no more sanction in Holy Writ than other doctrines discarded by Luther on the same plea; for it is written, "Whosoever shall believe and be baptized, shall be saved.” Hence, they said, as valid baptism could not be conferred until persons had attained the use of reason, it was plain adults should be rebaptized.

Nicholas Storch, a native of Zwickau, after gathering about him a number of immediate followers, consisting of twelve apostles and seventy disciples, proceeded with the former to Wittenberg, where he preached to the people, and proclaimed himself a prophet of God.

Melanchthon himself did not see his way clear out of the difficulties proposed by these “visionary prophets" against infant baptism, and for a time seemed to think that their doctrine, inasmuch as it had a Scripture sanction, might be conscientiously accepted. But some time after, disgusted with the excesses of the Anabaptists, he also rejected their teachings. His defection was, in part at least, compensated by the accession to their ranks of Carlstadt, Martin Cellarius, a friend of Melanchthon's, the monk Didymus, and others. Didymus, in his sermons, warned parents against allowing their children to pursue profane studies; and Carlstadt, carrying his zeal against all human science still further, cast into the flames the text-books brought to him by students from all quarters, giving as his reason for so doing that henceforth the Bible alone should be read among men. Under pretext of following the precept of our Lord in Matthew, xi. 25: “I give thanks to Thee, O Father, because Thou hast hid these things from the wise and prudent, and hast revealed them to little ones," he went through the streets of Wittenberg, Bible in hand, stopping the passers-by, and, entering the workshops, interrupted the artisans, to ask the meaning of difficult passages, as from persons whose minds had not yet been warped by the sophistry of science. The students passed beyond the control of the authorities, and it was feared the university would be closed. Even the heresiarchs were startled at the excesses to which their teachings had led, and began to grow uneasy, lest they might serve as a pretext to Duke George of Saxony for putting a stop to any further attempts at reforming the Church. Luther took alarm at the violence of Carlstadt's conduct, and wrote from Wartburg: "You have entered this conflict inconsiderately, and without method; you have thrown everything into confusion; your proceedings are without warrant or reason. I may as well let you know what I think of the business. I am disgusted. If affairs have a disastrous issue, I shall not answer for it. You have not sought my counsel before entering upon the undertaking (?!), and you will now see to it that you get on without me. What has been done, has been ill done, though Carlstadt may affirm over and over that you are right in acting as you do."

In vain did Luther, at the instance of Melanchthon, write to them to prove the spirits before receiving their prophecies; the disorders

went on. His friends wrote to him from Wittenberg, saying: "Come, or we perish." Frederic the Wise advised him not to leave Wartburg Castle. Luther left his Patmos, March 8, and arrived at Wittenberg on Good Friday, 1522. Shortly before leaving Wartburg, Luther wrote to the Elector: "Be it known to your Highness that I go to Wittenberg under the protection of a providence stronger than that of princes and electors. I have no need of your support, but you have of mine; it will be of advantage to you," &c. Scarcely had he arrived at Wittenberg, when, ascending the pulpit, he began "to rap these visionaries on the snout." For eight days together, or during the whole of Easter week, he declaimed, in a series of masterly discourses, against those fanatical leaders and barbarous iconoclasts. "All violent and untimely measures," said he, "employed to hasten the moment for a clearer understanding of religion, are equally opposed to the Gospel and to Christian charity. External changes in ecclesiastical affairs should be introduced only after men's minds have been convinced of the necessity of such changes."

Luther was now in a position to see the practical workings of his own teaching and the faithful reproduction of his own conduct, and for the moment he seemed startled by the vision. But rapidly recovering himself, he again dashed headlong into just such violent and revolutionary conduct as he had attempted to suppress, again declaiming like a maniac against religious vows. "It is all one," said he, with shameless effrontery, "whether one says to God: I promise never to leave off offending Thee, or whether one says: I promise to live always chaste and poor that I may lead a just and holy life. The day has come," he continued, "not only to abolish forever those unnatural vows, but to punish, with all the rigour of the law, such as make them; to destroy convents, abbeys, priories, and monasteries, and in this way prevent them ever again being uttered."

Luther's words found a responsive echo in the hearts of the depraved. Troops of monks deserted their convents, took wives, and became ardent Lutherans. It was soon plain to Luther that these reprobate monks, acting from carnal and lustful impulses, "singularly corrupted the good odour of the Gospel." The spirit of revolt once evoked brooks no control. Luther himself rode the crest of the wave. Like Carlstadt, his former master, he gathered all his strength for an effort to abolish the Mass. To him the ever-renewing Sacrifice was a horror. "Your only purpose in retaining the Mass," said he, reproachfully, to the Collegiate Chapter of Wittenberg, which had resisted his appeals, "is to have always at hand a convenient pretext for starting new sects and opening fresh schisms." The impious rage of his adherents outran his own. "These priests, these mumblers of Masses," they cried out in their impotent fury, "deserve death quite as richly as the profane blasphemers who curse God and his saints on the public

1 De Wette, Luther's Letters, Vol. II., p. 137 sq.

2 Short Epilogue against Vows and Religious Life in Monasteries, in Walch, Vol. XIX.

thoroughfares." By the use of violent means like these did Luther finally succeed in abolishing the Canon of the Mass (November, 1525); he retained only the Elevation.

The influence of Luther's works, and particularly of those written in the vernacular, was not confined to priests and monks alone; it extended to the bulk of the people as well. Borne down by the weight of political oppression, they listened with feelings of enthusiastic and fanatical approbation to the ideas of Gospel freedom so glowingly set forth by the new preachers. "I behold them coming from these sermons," said Erasmus, "with threatening looks, and eyes darting fire, as men carried beyond themselves by the fiery discourses to which they have just listened. These followers of the Gospel are ever ready for a conflict of some kind; whether with polemical or martial weapons, it matters little."

Luther called upon the people to cast off the yoke laid upon them oy the priests and monks. Following his advice, the peasants refused to pay the customary taxes to bishops and monasteries.

They interpreted Gospel freedom to mean a sanction authorising them to disregard whatever was disagreeable or irksome, and to rebel against princes, particularly such as remained faithful to the Church. These they were taught to look upon as tyrants and enemies to Gospel truth.

While Luther's work on "Christian Liberty," which had been scattered throughout the whole of Germany, prepared the way for revolt, his treatise on "The Secular Magistracy" (1523) formally advocated the abolition of all authority whatever, whether ecclesiastical or political. The peasantry, inflamed by the fanatical teachings and fiery appeals of the sectaries, rather than driven to excess by the tyranny and extortions of feudal lords, rose in open and organized rebellion. In a manifesto, consisting of twelve articles,' based upon texts drawn from the writings of Luther, the peasants claimed, first of all, the right of appointing and removing at will their ministers of the Gospel. The insurrection rapidly spread over Suabia, the Black Forest, the Palatinate, Franconia, Thuringia, and Saxony. The peasants, assembling in large bodies, would proceed to plunder and burn convents, demolish the strongholds of the nobility, and commit every sort of outrage and atrocity.

Thomas Münzer, the leader of the sect of "Conquering Anabaptists” in Thuringia, preached a doctrine of political equality and freedom far more comprehensible to the illiterate peasantry than the religious equality and freedom advocated by Luther.

1 The following extract from this treatise will indicate its drift: "Should some one say: Since (according to Luther) there is to be no sword among Christians, how are they to be made responsible for their external acts? Surely there must be some representative of sovereign authority among them. Answer such one that no sovereign authority should exist among Christians; each should be subject to the other, according to the words of Paul, Rom. xii. In honour preventing one another;' and again: 1 Peter ii. Be yo subject to every human creature;' 'honour all men.'

2

Cf. Alfred Stern, Concerning the Twelve Articles of the Suabian Peasants.

After being driven out of Altstadt, where he had incited the citizens to rebel against the civil magistrates by his revolutionary barangues, and had put himself at the head of mobs that went about demolishing Catholic chapels and overturning Catholic altars, he received an appointment as pastor in the town of Mühlhausen. Here again he headed a formidable insurrection against the civil authorities; styled himself a prophet, and signed himself "Münzer, the bearer of the sword of Gideon;" proclaimed the natural equality of all men, a community of goods, the abolition of every sort of authority, and the establishment of a new "Kingdom of God," composed solely of the just.

Everywhere illiterate peasants might be seen taking upon themselves the office of preaching, for they had been told that anyone might announce the word of God. They besought Luther, now that he had, by the weapon of Holy Scripture, set at defiance evey human power and authority, to undertake the defence of their cause. Luther was at first extremely embarrassed by this appeal, but finally sent them an answer in the form of an exhortation, addressed alike to princes and peasants, whom he styled respectively "My dear Sirs and Brothers." With his accustomed dishonesty and dexterity, he shifted the responsibility of the peasants' insurrection, from where it properly belonged, to the bishops and Catholic princes." who," he said, "never wearied of crying out against the Gospel." As might have been foreseen, his exhortation was without effect. The peasants grew daily more bold and insolent, and their devastations and enormities more atrocious. At Weinsberg, they forced seventy knights to commit suicide, by throwing themselves against spears held before them. When Luther's enemies sarcastically taunted him with being an accomplished hand at kindling a conflagration, but an indifferent one at putting out the flames, he published a pamphlet against "those pillaging and murdering peasants." "Strike," said he to the princes, "strike, slay, front and rear; nothing is more devilish than sedition; it is a mad dog that bites you if you do not destroy it. There must be no sleep, no patience, no mercy; they are the children of the devil." Such was his speech in assailing those poor, deluded peasants, who had done no more than practically carry out his own principles. They were to be subdued by the strong hand of authority, and to receive no

1 Walch, Vol. XVI., p. 5 sq.; Vol. XXI., p. 149: concerning various districts of the country of Baden, see Mone, Sources of the History of Baden, Carlsruhe, 1848 sq., Vol. II., 4to. Sartorius, Essay of a Hist. of the "Peasants' War," Berlin, 1795. Wachsmuth, The Peasants' War," Lps., 1834. Zimmermann, A General Hist. of the Great Peasants' War, Stuttg., 1843, 3 vols. Bensen, Hist. of the Peasants' War in East Franconia, written from the sources, Erlangen, 1840. Cornelius, Studies on the Hist. of the Peasant War," Munich, 1862; Schreiber, The Peasants' War in Germany, Freiburg, 1864. Jörg, Germany during the Revolutionary Period from 1522-1526, Freiburg, 1851. Cf. also the following Essays: Causes of the Peasants' War in Germany (Hist. and Polit. Papers, Vol. VI., p. 321 sq.); The Breaking out of the Peasants' War, its character, and the actors therein (L. c., pp. 449-469): Defensive operations against the Peasants (ibid., pp. 627644); Manifestoes and Scheme of Constitution of the Peasants (ibid., pp. 641-664); Bearing of Luther during the Peasants' War (L. c., Vol. VII., pp. 170-192); see also Riffel, Vol. I, pp. 412-479; 2nd ed., Vol. I., pp. 508-581.