ments, since it is not doubted, from the high character of the governor of Cuba, who is well known and much respected here, that if he had the power he would promptly suppress it. Whether those robbers should be pursued on the land, the local authorities be made responsible for these atrocities, or any other measure be resorted to to suppress them, is submitted to the consideration of Congress.

In the execution of the laws for the suppression of the slave trade, a vessel has been occasionally sent from that squadron to the coast of Africa, with orders to return thence by the usual track of the slave ships, and to seize any of our vessels which may be engaged in that trade. None have been found, and it is believed that none are thus employed. It is well known, however, that the trade exists under other flags.

The health of our squadron, while at Thompson's island, has been much better during the present than it was the last season. Some improvements have been made, and others are contemplated there, which, it is believed, will have a very salutary effect.

On the Pacific our commerce has much increased, and on that coast, as well as on that sea, the United States have many important interests which require attention and protection. It is thought that all the considerations which suggested the expediency of placing a squadron on that sea operate with augmented force for maintaining it there, at least in equal extent.

For detailed information respecting the state of our maritime force on each sea, the improvement necessary to be made on either, in the organization of the naval establishment generally, and of the laws for its better government, I refer you to the report of the secretary of the which is herewith communicated.

navy,

The revenue of the post-office department has received a considerable augmentation in the present year. The current receipts will exceed the expenditures, although the transportation of the mail within the year has been much increased. A report of the postmaster-general, which is transmitted, will furnish in detail the necessary information respecting the administration and present state of this department.

In conformity with a resolution of Congress of the last session, an invitation was given to General Lafayette to visit the United States, with an assurance that a ship of war should attend at any port of France which he might designate, to receive and convey him across the Atlantic, whenever it might be convenient for him to sail. He declined the offer of the public ship from motives of delicacy, but assured me that he had long intended, and would certainly visit our Union in the course of the present year. In August last he arrived at New York, where he was received with the warmth of affection and gratitude to which his very important and disinterested ser vices and sacrifices in our revolutionary struggle so eminently entitled him. A corresponding sentiment has since been manifested in his favor throughout every portion of our Union, and affectionate invitations have been given him to extend his visits to them. To these he has yielded al! the accommodation in his power. At every designated point of rendezvous. the whole population of the neighboring country has been assembled to greet him, among whom it has excited, in a peculiar manner, the sensibility of all, to behold the surviving members of our revolutionary contest, civil and military, who had shared with him in the toils and dangers of the war, many of them in a decrepid state. A more interesting spectacle, it is believed, was never witnessed, because none could be founded on purer

principles, none proceed from higher or more disinterested motives. That the feelings of those who had fought and bled with him in a common cause should have been much excited, was natural. There are, however, circumstances attending these interviews which pervaded the whole community, and touched the breasts of every age, even the youngest among us. There was not an individual present who had not some relative who had not partaken in those scenes, nor an infant who had not heard the relation of them. But the circumstance which was most sensibly felt, and which his presence brought forcibly to the recollection of all, was the great cause in which we were engaged, and the blessings which we have derived from our success in it. The struggle was for independence, and liberty public and personal, and in this we succeeded. The meeting with one who had borne so distinguished a part in that great struggle, and from such lofty and disinterested motives, could not fail to affect profoundly every individual, and of every age. It is natural that we should all take a deep interest in his future welfare as we do. His high claims on our Union are felt, and the sentiment universal, that they should be met in a generous spirit. Under these impressions, I invite your attention to the subject, with a view that, regarding his very important services, losses, and sacrifices, a provision may be made and tendered to him which shall correspond with the sentiments, and be worthy the character, of the American people.

In turning our attention to the condition of the civilized world, in which the United States has always taken a deep interest, it is gratifying to see how large a portion of it is blessed with peace. The only wars which now exist within that limit are those between Turkey and Greece, in Europe, and between Spain and the new governments, our neighbors, in this hemisphere. In both these wars, the cause of independence, of liberty, and humanity, continues to prevail. The success of Greece, when the relative population of the contending parties is considered, commands our admiration and applause, and that it has had a similar effect with the neighboring powers is obvious. The feeling of the whole civilized world is excited in a high degree in their favor. May we not hope that these sentiments, winning on the hearts of their respective governments, may lead to a more decisive result; that they may produce an accord among them, to replace Greece on the ground which she formerly held, and to which her heroic exertions, at this day, so eminently entitle her?

With respect to the contest to which our neighbors are a party, it is evident that Spain, as a power, is scarcely felt in it. These new states had completely achieved their independence before it was acknowledged.by the United States, and they have since maintained it with little foreign pressure. The disturbances which have appeared in certain portions of that vast territory have proceeded from internal causes, which had their origin in their former governments and have not yet been thoroughly removed. It is manifest that these causes are daily losing their effect, and that these new states are settling down under governments, elective and representative in every branch, similar to our own. In this course we ardently wish them to persevere, under a firm conviction that it will promote their happiness. In this, their career, however, we have not interfered, believing that every people have a right to institute for themselves the government which, in their judgment, may suit them best. Our example is before them, of the good effect of which, being our neighbors, they are competent judges, and to their judgment we leave it, in the expectation that other powers will

pursue the same policy. The deep interest which we take in their independence, which we have acknowledged, and in their enjoyment of all the rights incident thereto, especially in the very important one of instituting their own governments, has been declared, and is known to the world. Separated as we are from Europe, by the great Atlantic ocean, we can have no concern in the wars of the European governments, nor in the causes which produce them. The balance of power between them, into which ever scale it may turn in its various vibrations, cannot affect us. It is the interest of the United States to preserve the most friendly relations with every power, and on conditions fair, equal, and applicable to all. But in regard to our neighbors our situation is different. It is impossible for the European governments to interfere in their concerns, especially in those alluded to, which are vital, without affecting us; indeed, the motive which might induce such interference in the present state of the war between the parties, if a war it may be called, would appear to be equally applicable to It is gratifying to know that some of the powers with whom we enjoy a very friendly intercourse, and to whom these views have been communicated, have appeared to acquiesce in them.

us.

The augmentation of our population, with the expansion of our Union, and increased number of states, have produced effects in certain branches of our system which merit the attention of Congress. Some of our arrangements, and particularly of the judiciary establishment, were made with a view to the original thirteen states only. Since then, the United States have acquired a vast extent of territory; eleven new states have been admitted into the Union, and territories have been laid off for three others, which will likewise be admitted at no distant day. An organization of the supreme court, which assigns to the judges any portion of the duties which belong to the inferior, requiring their passage over so vast a space, under any distribution of the states that may now be made, if not impracticable in the execution, must render it impossible for them to discharge the duties of either branch with advantage to the Union. The duties of the supreme court would be of great importance, if its decisions were confined to the ordinary limits of other tribunals, but when it is considered that this court decides, and in the last resort, on all the great questions which arise under our constitution, involving those between the United States individually, between the states and the United States, and between the latter and foreign powers, too high an estimate of their importance cannot be formed. The great interests of the nation seem to require that the judges of the supreme court should be exempt from every other duty than those which are inci dent to that high trust. The organization of the inferior courts would of course be adapted to circumstances. It is presumed that such an one might be formed as would secure an able and faithful discharge of their duties, and without any material augmentation of expense.

The condition of the aborigines within our limits, and especially those who are within the limits of any of the states, merits, likewise, particular attention. Experience has shown, that unless the tribes be civilized they can never be incorporated into our system in any form whatever. It has likewise shown, that in the regular augmentation of our population, with the extension of our settlements, their situation will become deplorable if their extinction is not menaced. Some well-digested plan, which will rescue them from such calamities, is due to their rights, to the rights of humanity, and to the honor of the nation. Their civilization is indispensable to their

safety, and this can be accomplished only by degrees. The process must cominence with the infant state, through whom some effect may be wrought on the parental. Difficulties of the most serious character present themselves to the attainment of this very desirable result, on the territory on which they now reside. To remove them from it by force, even with a view to their own security and happiness, would be revolting to humanity, and utterly unjustifiable. Between the limits of our present states and territories and the Rocky Mountain and Mexico, there is a vast territory to which they might be invited, with inducements which might be successful. It is thought that if that territory should be divided into districts, by previous agreement with the tribes now residing there, and civil governments be established in each, with schools for every branch of instruction in literature and in the arts of civilized life, that all the tribes now within our limits might gradually be drawn there. The execution of this plan would necessarily be attended with expense, and that not inconsiderable; but it is doubted whether any other can be devised which would be less liable to that objection, or more likely to succeed.

In looking to the interests which the United States have on the Pacific ocean, and on the western coast of this continent, the propriety of establishing a military post at the mouth of Columbia river, or at some other point in that quarter, within our acknowledged limits, is submitted to the consideration of Congress. Our commerce and fisheries on that sea, and along the coast, have much increased, and are increasing. It is thought that a military post, to which our ships of war might resort, would afford protection to every interest, and have a tendency to conciliate the tribes to the northwest, with whom our trade is extensive. It is thought, also, that by the establishment of such a post, the intercourse between our western states and territories and the Pacific, and our trade with the tribes residing in the interior, on each side of the Rocky Mountain, would be essentially promoted. To carry this object into effect, the appropriation of an adequate sum to authorize the employment of a frigate, with an officer of the corps of engineers, to explore the mouth of the Columbia river, and the coast contiguous thereto, to enable the executive to make such establishment at the most suitable point, is recommended to Congress.

It is thought that attention is also due to the improvement of this city. The communication between the public buildings, and in various other parts, and the grounds around those buildings, require it. It is presumed, also, that the completion of the canal from the Tiber to the eastern branch would have a very'salutary effect. Great exertions have been made, and expenses incurred, by the citizens, in improvements of various kinds; but those which are suggested belong exclusively to the government, or are of a nature to require expenditures beyond their resources. The public lots which are still for sale, would, it is not doubted, be more than adequate to these purposes.

From the view above presented, it is manifest that the situation of the United States is in the highest degree prosperous and happy. There is no object which, as a people, we can desire, which we do not possess or which is not within our reach. Blessed with governments the happiest which the world ever knew, with no distinct orders in society or divided interests in any portion of the vast territory over which their dominion extends, we have every motive to cling together which can animate a virtuous and enlightened people. The great object is to preserve those blessings, and to

hand them down to our latest posterity. Our experience ought to satisfy us, that our progress, under the most correct and provident policy, will not be exempt from danger. Our institutions form an important epoch in the history of the civilized world. On their preservation, and in their utmost purity, every thing will depend. Extending as our interests do to every part of the inhabited globe, and to every sea to which our citizens are carried by their industry and enterprise, to which they are invited by the wants of others, and have a right to go, we must either protect them in the enjoyment of their rights or abandon them, in certain events, to waste and desolation. Our attitude is highly interesting as relates to other powers, and particularly to our southern neighbors. We have duties to perform, with respect to all, to which we must be faithful. To every kind of danger we should pay the most vigilant and unceasing attention; remove the cause where it may be practicable, and be prepared to meet it when inevitable.

Against foreign danger, the policy of the government seems to be already settled. The events of the late war admonished us to make our maritime frontier impregnable by a well-digested chain of fortifications, and to give efficient protection to our commerce by augmenting our navy to a certain extent, which has been steadily pursued, and which it is incumbent upon us to complete as soon as circumstances will permit. In the event of war, it is on the maritime frontier that we shall be assailed. It is in that quarter, therefore, that we should be prepared to meet the attack. It is there that our whole force will be called into action to prevent the destruction of our towns, and the desolation and pillage of the interior. To give full effect to this policy, great improvements will be indispensable. Access to those works, by every practicable communication, should be made easy, and in every direction. The intercourse, also, between every part of our Union, should be promoted and facilitated by the exercise of those powers which may comport with a faithful regard to the great principles of our constitution. With respect to internal causes, these great principles point out with equal certainty the policy to be pursued. Resting on the people, as our governments do, state and national, with well-defined powers, it is of the highest importance that they severally keep within the limits prescribed to them. Fulfilling that sacred duty, it is of equal importance that the movement between them be harmonious, and in case of any disagreement, should any such occur, a calm appeal be made to the people; and their voice be heard and promptly obeyed. But governments being instituted for the common good, we cannot fail to prosper while those who made them are attentive to the conduct of their representatives and control their measures. In the pursuit of those great objects, let a generous spirit and national views and feelings be indulged; and let every part recollect that, by cherishing that spirit and improving the condition of the others in what relates to their welfare, the general interest will not only be promoted, but the local advantages be reciprocated.

I cannot conclude this communication, the last of the kind which I sha!! have to make, without recollecting, with great sensibility and heartfel: gratitude, the many instances of the public confidence and the generous support which I have received from my fellow citizens in the various trusts with which I have been honored. Having commenced my service in early youth, and continued it since with few and short intervals, I have witnessed the great difficulties to which our Union has been exposed, and admired the virtue and courage with which they were surmounted. From the present