we enjoy health and strength, intend to write, we might seriously prepare ourselves, if not all at once for the axe of the executioner, at least for a long voyage to the shores of the Southern Ocean! Whether the answer we have just given in defence, so far, of this publication, be deemed satisfactory or not by any of our friends-and chiefly would we reckon those as such who through good report and bad report have stood firm and faithful to "the Cause;" still we are quite sure, and it affords great satisfaction to us to know that the worst enemies we have in the world-the veriest Boroughmonger that exists, the keenest Tory that crawls, will be compelled to admit, on a perusal of the Letters of Andrew Hardie, which will form the main object of the publication, apart from politics altogether, that these Letters are characteristic of a brave, though, in one sense, a deluded man; and what to many is of much higher consequence, that they display the feelings of a Christian, without cant or hypocrisy. Perhaps in respect of that last reason, we should have been tempted to undertake the publication; recollecting how often the Reformers of Scotland have been twitted with the charge of atheism or infidelity, a charge against which we for them beg leave to enter our protest, and appeal to the Letters of Andrew Hardie as our triumphant witnesses. ཀཎྜༀཝཱ But finally, when we explain that we have undertaken the publication also with the view of relieving the wants, and soothing, if possible, the feelings of his aged, and still sorrowing Mother, we are hopeful that even malignity itself will be disarmed on that account. And now we proceed with the following short history of Hardie himself. He was born at Auchinearn, in the parish of Cadder, county of Lanark, on the 5th of May, 1793; and consequently was in the 28th year of his age, when he suffered at Stirling, 8th September, 1820. If it were necessary to a work of this déscription, we believe we could show that his parents-Thomas Hardie and Marion Goodwin, were descended, particularly the latter, from highly respectable ancestors, but we think the following excellent lines of the poet will be relished much better by our readers than if we had entered into a long dry disquisition on that topic. "Worth makes the man, the want of it the fellow, And all the rest are leather and prunella. As, therefore, we have neither the pride nor the vanity of any person to gratify, we may as well state in a single line, that Hardie's father was a common industrious weaver, in Glasgow-a trade to which Hardie himself was trained, after receiving the only, yet best educa tion his parents could afford to give him-that of plain reading and writing. At the age of 17 he abandoned the loom-shop, and enlisted as a substitute in the Berwiskshire Militia, in which, after serving for five years, he was discharged on the peace of 1815. He then returned to his fathar's house in Glasgow, to resume his former occupation, but his mind was already tinctured with strong political opinions favourable to the cause of liberty, then kept in the back-ground almost by force of the bayonet; and, however insignificant this allusion as to Hardie's political opinion may be regarded by some, yet we confess we attach considerable importance to it, inasmuch as it shows that the soldier of this country, unlike those commanded by the Despots in the north of Europe, can think for himself, and give free expression to his honest opinion. Nor does it seem any way impertinent for us to allude to the fact, which we trust the enemies of Reform will lay seriously to heart, that the flower of the English army is at this moment composed of men entertaining the very principles which Andrew Hardie entertained in the year 1815. For from whence, we ask, is the army recruited but from the great Reforming Radical Depots of London, Dublin, Manchester, and Glasgow? And does the young recruit not imbibe the generous sentiments of his immediate relatives or companions, sanctioned, as these sentiments undoubtedly are, by the King of England? Will the soldier now, we ask, draw his sabre against his fellow men, merely for seeking their just rights? We wish the Duke of Wellington himself would answer that question. But our notion is, that although he led his invincible legions to victory at Waterloo, it would be utterly hopeless for him to expect that any considerable portion of them would be inclined to shed their blood in supporting the base, illiberal, boroughmongering principles, so pertinaci ously, so very ungratefully maintained by that " Great Captain," who, but for the blood and treasure of the people of this empire, never would have held the position he now occupies, and therefore it ill becomes him to set his face against the people, drawing, as he still does, from them, so many thousands of pounds per annum. We are not aware that there was any thing remarkable in the character of Andrew Hardie up to the period we have been speaking of. His humane and generous disposition, and his correct moral habits in all respects, are, we believe, acknowledged by every person who knew him; but we must not omit to notice the fact, since it afterwards touched many hearts in his behalf, that his personal appearance was prepossessing in the highest degree. The very amiability of his character made him fall the more easily into the hands of the unprincipled men who afterwards betrayed him for state purposes." It was tcharged against the government of Lord Liverpool, in the year 1819-20, and never attempted to be seriously denied by the active members of it-Sidmouth and Castlereagh, that that government actually took into its employment wretches, we cannot call them men, answering to the names of Oliver, Edwards, Castles, and Richmond, besides many others of lesser note, to act as spies among the people to incite the people, in various important districts of the country, to acts of sedition, insurrection, or open hostility against the government, and thereby enable the government to impose on the fears or credulity of the nation, and in that way to parry off the loud and urgent demands then made for Parliamentary Reform. In this city, particularly, who does not remember the noted name of Alexander Richmond- a name that still stinks in the nostrils of every honest Reformer? We shall not go into all his exploits on the present 3. occasion, because we are reserving the most material of them for another and a more important occasion, when if Providence shall spare us, we shall bring out to public view, in one connected serids (on which we have long intently been engaged), the whole of the dark and damning government plots, since the trial of Watts in 1794, who as some of our readers may remember, was executed at.Edinburgh, fod High Treason, because he bungled, in his excess of zeal, the secret instructions given to him by them Secretary of State, whose descendent is at this moment one of the pensioned hereditary Lords" of Scotland, and, of course, an inveterate enemy of Reform But it is necessary before we take up our ground, with the case of Andrew Hardie, &c., to direct the attention of our readers for a little to a brief summary of the political transactions, which occurred in Glasgow, in the year 1816, downwards, without which, we are satisfied, the case of Hardie could not be properly understood, or fairly considered. And here, we may as well observe, that in speaking of the case of Hardie, we wish our readers to understand, that we include the whole of the unfortunate individuals convicted with him at Stirling, in 1820. It happens fortunately for us that Richmond, the scoundrel to whom we have already alluded, published a book in 1824, entitled, "Narrative of the Condition of the Manufacturing Population, and the Proceedings of Government, which led to the State Trials in Scotland, &c., and to the Execution of Thistlewood and others, for High Treason, in 1820." And we take from it the following excerpts, which are, perhaps, the only sensible truths he ever promulgated. The very devil, we are told, can sometimes quote scripture to advantage. "No sonner(says Richmond, p. 50.) was the fate of that extraordinary man (Napoleon Buonaparte) sealed for ever;ere yet the grass grew upon the graves of our countrymen, who had fallen to restore Europe to the fostering and parental care of legitimate thrones; and while yet the sound of the blood-stained laurels of Waterloo was reverberating from one end of the empire to the other our merchants were bankrupts; our artizans and mechanics were starv ing, and betraying an ignorant impatience' of the misery they were suffering. The hopes entertained on the opening of the American ports in the beginning of 1816, proved equally fallacious and in the summer of that year, the distress had become so great, that a general gutcry was raised for the reduction of the public burdens. Many attributed a great part of the evils we were suffering to the defects in our system of national representation, and almost all who were friendly to Reform, considered it a favourable opportunity for agitating the question, when we were at profound peace with all the world. Scotland had her full share of the calamity and distress, and participated in the discontents arising out of them; while the absence of all popular representation made the theoetrical errors of her political institutions more palpable and open to the attacks of those who considered the evil to have its origin in that source. Glasgow, the focus of manufactures and of misery, as might be expected, took the lead in agitating the question; a committee was formed, and an application made to the Magistrates to grant the liberty of the Trades' Hall, to hold public meeting to Petition thết Throne and both Houses of Parliament, for Retrenchment and Reform. This application was peremptorily refused; and a similar one, made for liberty to meet in the Public Green, met with no better success! Hitherto, large popular meetings for political pur poses were almost unknown in Scotland but this attempt to deprive the people of the very right of making their complaint and declaring their opinion, exasperated them to the highest degree; and produced a general popular, ferment Official robes are not always found to cover the highest attainments, and like the veiled prophet of Khorassan, the influence of the wearers frequently depend more upon the power they have of concealing them from the gaze of vulgar eyes, than an intellectual superiority. biAccordingly, the persons who held the discussions with the Magistrates on that occasion,* did not find them capable of taking the clearest of all possible views of civil rights, nor possessing a very accurate knowledge of the feelings and conditions of the people. WWW "The opposition of the Magistrates had a direct tendency to stimu date to greater exertions. A field was procured in the vicinity of Glasgow (Thrushgrove; the property of Mr. James Turner) and on the 29th of October, 1816, a meeting was held, which was attended by upwards of 40,000 persons. There the conduct of the Magistrates was freely animadverted upon, + and the idea conveyed, by such an assemblage, operated upon the imagination of the people, like a shock of electricity. Resolutions in favour of Retrenchment and Reform were carried by unanimous acclamation Pot Duned er, ow astelta92 1 We may, in addition, observe, that public meetings for similar purposes were soon afterwards held, almost in every considerable town in the empire, and that the spirited resolutions passed at many of them, began to give great offence to the government. "Alexander Maconochie, Esq., now Lord Meadowbank, was then Lord Advocate'; and the late James Wedderburn, Esq., SolicitorGeneral for Scotland. Being but lately appointed to office, they had very little experience, and no very high opinion was entertained of their capability, either by the Ministry, or the local "Magistracy. Robert Hamilton, Esq.; Sheriff-Depute of the County of Lanark, had a good disposition, but was in bad health, and did not possess the -general qualifications and activity to be efficient in such a situation, particularly in difhalt times. And the Lord Provost, for the time being, (James Black, defunct,) with the whole Magistrates of Glasgow, -was equally inefficient. 25 Mr. Kirkman Finlay then occupied a seat in the House of Commons; all the Magistrates looked up to him, and 267 were The persons, we believe, who held the discussions with the Magistrates w James Turner of Thrushgrove, William Lang, Printer; and John Russell, late Merchant, who was a witness for Thomas Muir on his trial in 1798. The Magistrates were, James Black, Lord Provost; William Leckie, Joshua Heywood, Robert Haddow, Robert Austin, and John Machen, Bailies; James Ewing), Dean ¡of Guild; Robert Ferrie, Deacon Convener. i godt von Lib vedt dyrodils No wonder. For although the authorities refused to allow the meeting to be held in the Trades' Hall, they actually let that place during same to a strolling player, from the Continent, for exhibiting a live Salamandernd sal Jail (11 were under his influence. He filled uno official situation, abutoin consequence of the general imbecility, in conjunction with James Reddie, Esq., Advocate, assessor for the city, he had de facto the whole local government; and in adition to the regular channel of communication with the Law Officers of the Crown, corresponded directly with Lord Sidmouth, the Home Secretary of State good "Such(says Richmond) was the state of the country at the end of 1816." Having thus referred to Richmond's Narrative," publishedrin 1824, and which, we understand, was soon afterwards brought up or suppressed, it is proper we should now state that that consum mate villain only published it, as indeed he unblushingly states, when he found that Lord Sidmouth and the other authorities did not reward him with so much money, as he thought he had a right to expect, "för his services." We shall see by and bye what some of those services were. Our readers need entertain no doubt of the fact, that he was, to all intents and purposes, a government spy. We have it from his own" Narrative," that he was in the pay of government from 1816 to 1820, But we are particularly anxious at present to show his connexion with Mr. K. Finlay, agreeably to a promise we elsewhere some time ago made, and to the performance of which we have oftener than once been challenged, as if we had either forgotten the promise itself, or had not the courage to abide by it. 'OC 4 R Towards Mr. Kirkman Finlay we have no enmity. As a private gentleman we are bound to respect him. But his public conduct, like that of any other man, is liable to public review, on which ground alone we now claim a right to attack him, as well as others.ow event We are enabled to trace Richmond into Mr. Finlay's company within a few months after the Thrushgrove meeting in 1816, a meeting, we forgot to state, which Andrew Hardie attended, though he took no prominent part in its proceedings. Richmond thus describes the first political conference he held with Mr. Finlay. The meeting of Parliament was approaching, and exertions were making in every part of the country to have petitions for Reform ready to be presented as early as possible after the opening of the Session (1817). It was in contemplation to request Mr. Finlay to present and support the prayer of the petition from Glasgow, and to this subject he turned the conversation. After some general remarks on the prevalence of opinions in favour of Reform, he, in a very imposing and emphatic manner asked me to answer him, upon my honour, if I was not aware of the existence of an extensive and widely spread secret conspiracy, for the avowed purpose of overturning the government? I solemnly assured him I was not; nor did I believe any thing of the kind existed in Scotland, and, at all events, if it did, it was unconnected with the proceedings of the Reform party, every thing they intended being openly and publicly avowed,"&c. "He then assured me that government had the most positive and undoubted information of the existence of such a conspiracy, although they did not, then know all the particulars, but were certain that many thousands in Glasgow and its neighbourhood were engaged in it; that he believed there might be many things wrong in our system |