Imágenes de páginas
PDF
EPUB

this uniform course of legislation, I expect it will be said, that our constitution was founded on positive and written principles, and not on precedents. I do not deny the position; but I introduce these instances to prove the uniform sense of Congress and the country, (for they have not been objected to,) as to our powers; and surely they furnish better evidence of the true interpretation of the constitution than the most refined and subtle arguments.

Let it not be urged, that the construction for which I contend gives a dangerous extent to the powers of Congress. In this point of view, I conceive it to be more safe than the opposite. By giving a reasonable extent to the money power, it exempts from the necessity of giving a strained and forced construction to the other enumerated powers: for instance, if the public money could be applied to the purchase of Louisiana, as I contend, then there was no constitutional difficulty in that purchase; but if it could not, then are we compelled either to deny that we had the power to purchase, or to strain some of the enumerated powers, to prove our right. It has, for instance, been said, that we have the right to purchase, under the power to admit new states; a construction, I will venture to say, far more forced than the one for which I contend. Such are my views on our right to pass this bill.

I believe that the passage of the bill will not be much endangered by a doubt of the power; as I conceive on that point there are not many who are opposed. The mode is principally objected to. A system it is contended ought to be presented before the money is appropriated. I think differently. To set apart the fund, appears to me to be naturally the first act; at least, I take it to be the only practicable course. A bill filled

with details would have but a faint prospect of passing. The enemies to any possible system in detail, and those who are opposed in principle, would unite and defeat it. Though I am unwilling to incorporate such details in the bill, yet I am not adverse to presenting my views on that point.

The first great object is to perfect the communication from Maine to Louisiana. This may be fairly considered as the principal artery of the whole system. The next is the connexion of the lakes with the Hudson river. In a political, commercial and military point of view, few objects could be more important. The next object of chief importance is, to connect all the great commercial points on the Atlantic-Philadelphia. Baltimore, Washington, Richmond, Charleston and Savannah, with the Western states; and finally, to perfect the intercourse between the west and New Orleans. These seem to me to be the great objects. There are others, no doubt, of great importance, which would receive the aid of government. The fund proposed to be set apart in this bill, is about six hundred and fifty thousand dollars a year, which is doubtless too small to effect such great objects of itself; but it would be a good beginning; and I have no doubt when it is once begun, the great work will be finished. If the bill succeeds, at the next session the details can be arranged, and the system commenced. I cannot consider those who object merely to the mode, to be very hearty in favor of the system. Every member must know that in all great measures, it is necessary to concede something; as it is impossible to make all think alike in the minutia of the measure who are agreed in principle. A deep conviction of the importance of the thing itself, is almost sure to be accompanied with a liberal spirit of concession. The committee who introduced this bill, gave it the shape, in their opinion, the most proper in itself, and the most likely to succeed. If it cannot pass in its present form, and under the present circumstances, it is certainly very doubtful whether it ever will. I feel a deep solicitude in relation to it. I am anxious that this Congress shall have the reputation of it, and I am the more so, on account of the feelings which have been created against it. No body of men, in my opinion, ever better merited, than this Congress, the confidence of their country. For wisdom, firmness and industry, it has

never been excelled. To its acts I appeal for the truth of my assertions. The country already begins to experience the benefit of its foresight and firmness. The diseased state of the currency, which many thought incurable, and most thought could not be healed in so short a time, begins to exhibit symptoms of speedy health. Uninfluenced by any other considerations than love of country and duty, let us add this to the many useful measures already adopted. The money cannot be appropriated to a more exalted use. Every portion of the community, the farmer, mechanic and merchant will feel its good effects; and, what is of the greatest importance, the strength of the community will be augmented, and its political prosperity rendered more se

cure.

INAUGURAL ADDRESS

OF

JAMES MONROE,

PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES,

DELIVERED MARCH 4, 1817.

I SHOULD be destitute of feeling, if I was not deeply affected by the strong proof which my fellow-citizens have given me of their confidence, in calling me to the high office, whose functions I am about to assume. As the expression of their good opinion of my conduct in the public service, I derive from it a gratification, which those who are conscious of having done all that they could to merit it, can alone feel. My sensibility is increased by a just estimate of the importance of the trust, and of the nature and extent of its duties; with the proper discharge of which, the highest interests of a great and free people are intimately connected. Conscious of my own deficiency, I cannot enter on these duties without great anxiety for the result. From a just responsibility I will never shrink; calculating with confidence, that in my best efforts to promote the public welfare, my motives will always be duly appreciated, and my conduct be viewed with that candor and indulgence which I have experienced in other stations.

In commencing the duties of the chief executive office, it has been the practice of the distinguished men who have gone before me, to explain the principles which would govern them in their respective administrations. In following their venerated example, my attention is naturally drawn to the great causes which have contributed, in a principal degree, to produce

the present happy condition of the United States. They will best explain the nature of our duties, and shed much light on the policy which ought to be pursued in future.

From the commencement of our revolution to the present day, almost forty years have elapsed, and from the establishment of this constitution, twenty-eight. Through this whole term the government has been what may emphatically be called, self-government; and what has been the effect? To whatever object we turn our attention, whether it relates to our foreign or domestic concerns, we find abundant cause to felicitate ourselves in the excellence of our institutions. During a period fraught with difficulties, and marked by very extraordinary events, the United States have flourished beyond example. Their citizens individual

ly, have been happy. and the nation prosperous.

Under this constitution, our commerce has been wisely regulated with foreign nations, and between the states; new states have been admitted into our union; our territory has been enlarged, by fair and honorable treaty, and with great advantage to the original states; the states respectively, protected by the national government, under a mild parental system, against foreign dangers, and enjoying within their separate spheres, by a wise partition of power, a just proportion of the sovereignty, have improved their police, extended their settlements, and attained a strength and maturity, which are the best proofs of wholesome laws, well administered. And if we look to the condition of individuals, what a proud spectacle does it exhibit? On whom has oppression fallen in any quarter of our union? Who has been deprived of any right of person or property? Who restrained in offering his vows in the mode in which he prefers, to the Divine Author of his being? It is well known that all these blessings have been enjoyed in their fullest extent; and I add with peculiar satisfaction, that there has been no example of a capital punishment being inflicted on any one for the crime of high treason.

« AnteriorContinuar »