AMERICAN negotiation is or is not conducted with candour on the part of the French government: and if you shall have discovered a clear design to procrastinate, you are to break off the negotiation, demand your passports, and return. you will consider that suspense is ruinous to the essential interests of your country. For 2. That if on the receipt of this letter, you shall not have been received, or, whether received or not, if you shall not be in treaty with persons duly authorized by the directory, with full and equal powers, you are to demand your passports and return. 3. In no event is a treaty to be purchased with money, by loan or otherwise. There can be no safety in a treaty so obtained. A loan to the Republick would violate our neutrality and a douceur to the men now, in power, might by their successors be urged as a reason for annulling the treaty, or as a precedent for further and repeated demands. It is proper to apprize you, that a motion has been made in the Senate, and will doubtless be repeated in the House of Representatives, to desire the President to lay before them your communications; and he will probably be under the necessity of doing it: only withholding the two names which you promised should in no event be made publick. I have the honour to be, &c. Department of State, Philadeiphia, TIMOTHY PICKERING. MESSAGE FROM THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES RELATIVE [See Vol. x. p. 465.] OF THE PRESIDENT SPEECH OF THE UNITED STATES TO BOTH HOUSES OF CONGRESS. DEC. 8, 1798. Gentlemen of the Senate, and Gentlemen of the House of Representatives, WHILE with reverence and resignation, we contemplate the dispensations of Divine Providence in the alarming and destructive pestilence with which several of our cities and towns have been visited, there is cause for gratitude. and mutual congratulations, that the malady has disappeared, and that we are again permitted to assemble in safety, at the seat of government, for the discharge of our important duties. But when we reflect that this fatal disorder has, within a few years, made repeated ravages in some of our principal sea-ports, and with increased malignancy; and when we consider the magnitude of the evils, arising from the interruption of publick and private business, whereby the national interests are deeply affected; I think it my duty to invite the legislature of the Union to examine the expediency of establishing suitable regulations in aid of the health laws of the respective states; for these being formed on the idea that contagious sickness may be communicated through the channels of commerce, there seems to be a necessity, that Congress, who alone can regulate trade, should frame a system, which, while it may tend to preserve the general health, may be compatible with the interests of commerce, and the safety of the revenue. While we think on this calamity, and sympathize with the immediate sufferers, we have abundant reason to present to the Supreme Being, our annual oblations of gratitude, for a liberal participation in the ordinary blessings of his providence. To the usual subjects of gratitude, I cannot omit to add one of the first importance to our well being and safety: I mean that spirit which has arisen in our country against the menaces and aggression of a foreign nation. A manly sense of national honour, dignity and independence, has appeared, which if encouraged and invigorated by every branch of the government, will ena ble us to view undismayed the enterprises of any foreign power, and become the sure foundation of national prosperity and glory. The course of the transactions in relation to the United States and France which have come to my knowledge during your recess, will be made the subject of a future communication. That communication will confirm the ultimate failure of the measures which have been taken by the government of the United States towards an amicable adjustment of differences with that power. You will at the same time perceive, that the French government appears solicitous to impress the opinion, that it is averse to a rupture with this country, and that it has, in a qualified manner, declared itself willing to receive a minister from the United States, for the purpose of restoring a good understanding. It is unfortunate for professions of this kind, that they should be expressed in terms which may countenance the inadmissible pretension of a right to prescribe the qualifications which a minister from the United States should possess, and that, while France is asserting the existence of a disposition on her part to conciliate with sincerity the differences which have arisen, the sincerity of a like disposition on the part of the United States, of which so many demonstrative proofs have been given, should even be indirectly questioned. It is also worthy of observation, that the decree of the directory, alleged to be intended to restrain the depredations of French cruisers on our commerce, has not given, and cannot give any relief; it enjoins them to conform to all the laws of France relative to cruising and prizes; while these laws are themselves the sources of the depredations of which we have so long, so justly, and so fruitlessly complained. The law of France, enacted in January last, which subjects to capture and condemnation neutral vessels and their cargoes, if any portion of the latter are of British fabrick or produce, although the entire property belong to neutrals, instead of being rescinded, has lately received a confirmation, by the failure of a proposition for its repeal. While this law, which is an unequivocal act of war on the commerce of the nations it attacks, continues in force, those nations can see in the French government only a power regardless of their essential rights, of their independence and sovereignty and if they possess the means, they can reconcile nothing with their interest and honour, but a firm resistance. Hitherto, therefore, nothing is discoverable in the conduct of France, which ought to change or relax our measures of defence; on the contrary, to extend and invigorate them, is our true policy. We have no reason to regret that these measures have been thus far adopted and pursued and in proportion as we enlarge our view of the portentous and incalculable situation of Europe, we shall discover new and cogent motives for the full development of our energies and resources. But, in demonstrating by our conduct that we do not fear war, in the necessary protection of our rights and honour, we shall give no room to infer that we abandon the desire of peace. An efficient preparation for war can alone ensure peace. It is peace that we have uniformly and perseveringly cultivated; and harmony between us and France may be restored at her option. But to send another minister, without more determinate assurances that he would be received, would be an act of humiliation to which the United States ought not to submit. It must, therefore, be left with France, if she is indeed desirous of accommodation, to take the requisite steps. The United States will steadily observe the maxims by which they have hitherto been governed. They will respect the sacred rights of embassy. And with a sincere disposition on the part of France to desist from hostility, to make reparation for the injuries heretofore inflicted on our commerce, and to do justice in future, there will be no obstacle to the restoration of a friendly intercourse. In making to you this declaration, I give a pledge to France, and to the world, that the Executive authority of this country still adheres to the humane and pacifick policy, which has invariably governed its proceedings, in conformity with the wishes of the other branches of the government, and of the people of the United States. But considering the late manifestations of her policy towards foreign nations, I deem it a duty deliberately and solemnly to declare my opinion, that whether we negotiate with her or not, vigorDus preparations for war, will be alike indispensable. These alone will give to us an equal treaty, and ensure its observance. Among the measures of preparation which appear expedient, I take the liberty to recall your attention to the naval establishment. The beneficial effects of the small naval armament provided under the acts of the last session, are known and acknowledged. Perhaps no country ever experienced more sudden and remarkable advantages from any measure of policy, than we have derived from the arming for our maritime protection and defence. We ought, without loss of time, to lay the foundation for an increase of or navy to a size sufficient to guard our coast and protect our trade. Such a naval force, as it is doubtless in the power of the United States to create and maintain, would also afford to them the best means of general defence, by facilitating the safe transportation of troops and stores to every part of our extensive coast. To accomplish this important object, a prudent foresight requires that systematical measures be adopted for procuring, at all times, the requisite timber and other supplies. In what manner this shall be done, I leave to your consideration. I will now advert, gentlemen, to some matters of less moment, but proper to be communicated to the national legislature. After the Spanish garrisons had evacuated the posts they Occupied at the Natchez and Walnut-hills, the commissioner of the United States commenced his observations to ascertain the point near the Mississippi, which terminated the northernmost part of the thirty-first degree of north latitude. From thence he proceeded to run the boundary line between the United States and Spain. He was afterwards joined by the Spanish commissioner, when the work of the former was confirmed; and they proceeded together to the demarcation of the line. Recent information renders it probable that the southern Indians, either instigated to oppose the demarcation, or jealous of the consequences of suffering white people to run a line over lands to which the Indian title had not been extinguished, have, ere this time, stopped the progress of the commission ers. And considering the mischiefs which may result from continuing the demarcation, in opposition to the will of the Indian tribes, the great expense attending it, and that the boundaries which the commissioners have actually established, probably extend at least as far as the Indian title has been extinguished, it will perhaps become expedient |