"heir," which Robert married Mary, daughter of Thomas Bennett the elder of Steeple Ashton, "and heiress of the family" (M.I. Combe Hay); but this Robert (the LL.D.) cannot have been the elder son of Robert I., as he departed this life 5 April, 1755, aged 54, and he cannot, therefore, have had a younger brother born in 1680 and married in 1713, viz., John Smith I. The only conclusion appears to be that Robert I. had an elder son (?) Robert II., who had a son Robert Smith I., of Foxcote and Littleton, d. 9 May, 1714, æt. 60. M.I. Foxcote. Robert III., who married Mary Bennett, heiress of Combe Hay; but in that case the rather curious result follows that the uncle, John I., and the nephew, Robert III., married two sisters, unless Mary and Ann Bennett were aunt and niece, and both daughters of a Thomas Bennett. The inveterate choice by each generation of the names Robert and John is confusing. The pedigree, so far as ascertainable, is as follows:: Dorothy, dau. of John Champneys, = John Smith IV., bapt. Combe Hay, 23 July, 1759, Mary, dau. of Hon. Geo. Shirley H. "THE HAPPY WARRIOR' AND NELSON. IN the poet's words, "the course of the great war with the French naturally fixed one's attention upon the military character." The author of 'The Happy Warrior' found that “Nelson carried most of the virtues that the trials he was exposed to in his department of the service necessarily call forth and sustain; if they do not produce the contrary vices. But his public life was stained with one great crime, so that, though many passages of these lines were suggested by what was generally known as excellent in his conduct, I have not been able to connect his name with the poem as I could wish, or even to think of him with satisfaction in reference to the idea of what a warrior ought to be." The words "public life" and "the idea of what a warrior ought to be " seem to point to something else than Nelson's having in a friend's house, made the wife there his mistress-however shameless these friends may have been. Is all that his "public life " ? Prof. Dowden in his 'Poems by Words-worth' (p. 446) seemingly thinks that it is : "Nelson's relations with Lady Hamilton prevented Wordsworth from thinking of him with satisfaction in reference to the idea of what a warrior ought to be.' Yet what Southey says in his Life of Nelson' seems to make it certain that his poetfriend was not thinking of the liaison with Lady Hamilton as the " public crime," but rather of what in 1799 she led the victor of the Nile to do to the Neapolitan Sicilian revolutionists, and to those who fought on behalf of the republican government set up in Naples and Sicily by revolutionary France against the King of Naples and his Queen, the sister of Marie Antoinette. Southey, be it said by the way, thought, concerning the "infatuated attachment for Lady Hamilton, which totally weaned his affections from his wife "-Nelson, indeed, writing to the former in hopes for the day when the "obstacle" would be removed; that is, when his wife would be dead-that, "farther than this, there is no reason to believe that this most unfortunate attachment was criminal." However, the biographer of Nelson- The Happy Warrior' poet's high-minded political friend-goes on, as one expects, to maintain this unhappy attachment....led to that the only blot upon his public character." 66 Cardinal Ruffo, as vice-regent, and the Neapolitan Royalists accepted the capitulation of the revolutionists. Nelson then sailed in. He made a sign to annul the treaty. The Cardinal (becoming therefor half suspected as a traitor by the Queen and by the English Neapolitan prime minister, Sir John Acton) held himself bound by his word of honour, by the paper "signed by the Cardinal and the Russian and Turkish commanders; and, lastly, by Capt. Foote, as commander of the British force." "Nor could all the arguments of Nelson, Sir W. Hamilton, and Lady Hamilton, who took an active part in the conference, convince him that a treaty of such a nature, solemnly concluded, could honorably be set aside." What thereafter happened was that "the garrisons, taken out of the castles, under pretence of carrying the treaty into effect, were delivered over as rebels to the vengeance of the Sicilian Court." Wordsworth's friend exclaims : "A deplorable transaction! a stain upon the memory of Nelson, and the honour of England! To palliate it would be vain; to justify it would be wicked: there is no alternative, for one who will not make himself a participator in guilt, but to record the disgraceful story with sorrow and shame." For Southey believed that the reason why Nelson rejected even Caraccioli's entreaty to be shot-* "I am an old man, sir, I leave no family to lament me, and therefore cannot be supposed to be very anxious about prolonging my life; but the disgrace of being hanged is dreadful to me was that Lady Hamilton drove her lover on: "She was present at the execution. She had the most devoted attachment to the Neapolitan Court; and the hatred which she felt against those whom she regarded as its enemies made her, at this time, forget what was due to the characterof her sex, as well as of her country." as Those v. ('Nelson and the Neapolitan Jacobins,' Navy Records Society who justify Nelson maintain that the rebels against the King of Naples deserved much less than the defeated loyalists for King James at Limerick the making of any treaty, or any other parley than a demand to surrender unconditionally rebels. And as to Prince Caraccioli, the palliators or the justifiers say that his hand was not forced to that short service of his under the Republican enemies of his King de jure. But, Southey asked, had Nelson the Sicilian-Neapolitan King's authority for the two hours' court-martial on the Prince ? Why this precipitation, making impossible the calling of soldier witnesses for the defence, and precluding any appeal for mercy to the victim's king? "Doubtless the British Admiral seemed to himself to be acting under a rigid sense of justice; but, to all other persons," was Southey's conclusion, which seems also his friend Wordsworth's, "it was obvious that he was influenced by an infatuated attachment-a baneful passion, which destroyed his domestic happiness, and now.... stained ineffaceably his public character."t Insufficient, then, seems Mr. Gosse's ex 1915, p. 93, that "The Happy Warrior' is not a direct portrait of Nelson"-for this And when, further, Nelson hanged the aged Prince Francesco Caraccioli (who, at the time that the "Parthenopæan Republic" of Naples ordered all Neapolitans to return, on pain of losing their estates, had got his exiled King's permission, and had returned, but had then served-compulsorily he said-planation in The Edinburgh Review, January, under the Republican de facto Government, yet now was expressing "his hope that the few days during which he had been forced to obey the French would not outweigh forty years of faithful services "), then Southey held that "here also a faithful historian is called upon to pronounce a severe and unqualified condemnation of Nelson's conduct." Nelson to Lord Keith, 27 June, 1799:-" An admiral is no match in talking with a cardinal." * Nelson, against Hamilton's wish, refused even to listen to Thurn, the president of the court so hostile to Caraccioli, representing that "it was usual to give 24 hours for the care of the soul" (Hamilton to Acton, 29 June, 1799). +Nelson settled the matter, against Fox's speech of blame, by laying down that, "an Englishman ought ever to suppose that his Majesty's officers would always act with honour and openness in all their transactions" (9 May, 1800). 66 HOLCROFT. (See 11 S. x. 1, 43, 83, 122, 163, 205, 244, This play was produced 13 Nov., 1802. I have just located the second edition. There was in the Bodleian Library (Malone B. 42) :— "A Tale of Mystery, a Melo-Drame ; formed at the Theatre-Royal Covent-Garden. as perBy Thomas Holcroft. Second Edition, with etchings after designs by Tresham. Published by Richard Phillips, 71, St. Paul's London: Church-Yard. 1802. Printed by Thomas Davison, White-friars. (Price Two Shillings.)” Octavo, p.l.+front.+2 [title]+6+1-51. This also has on p. 51, "Printed by T. Gillet, Salisbury-square. The illustrations frontispiece, marked for p. 27-the murder scene in Act I.; p. 48 (marked for p. 47), Michelli discovering the scar on Romaldi's right hand, Act II.; p. 50, the final tableau before the last curtain. Third edition ": are: There was a 66 Library, Woburn-Street, Drury-Lane. Price 2s. London: Following are the American editions :— "A Tale of Mystery, a melodrama: as performing in New York. By Thomas Holcroft. New York: Printed for N. Judah, No. 84, Maiden Lane, by G. and R. Waite. 1803." Duodecimo, 4+1-54 pp. 66 A Tale of Mystery, A Melo-drame; By Thomas D. Longworth, at the Shakspeare Gallery. L. "A Tale of Mystery: a melodrame, in three acts, "A Tale of Mystery: a melo-drame; by Thomas 1803. "Hear Both Sides: a comedy, in Five Acts, 1803, Octavo. the Memoirs,' pp. 215-19. It was produced References to this play are to be found in 29 Jan., 1803. I have seen 1803 copies marked pagination identical with the above, bearing "The Second Edition' having the price-mark "two shillings," and showing on the last page, with strange inconPrinter, Old Bailey. sistency, the declaration : marked "The Third Edition" "W. Flint, I have seen a copy With these "Second Edition" copies, except identical that the price is altered to 2s. 6d., and that there are included at the end some advertisements of Holcroft's and Godwin's books. All three copies in the British Museum have Printed....by T. Gillet and " W. Flint, Printer, Old Bailey," on p. 90. on the title-page, Of the three, however, the prices appear on the title-pages as follows: 1st ed., no price marked; 2nd ed., “Price Two Shillings and other copies; and the usual 3rd ed., Sixpence," which does not agree with the Two Shillings and Sixpence. Price Then the A later edition was :"A Tale of Mystery, A Melo-Drame; As performed at the Theatres Royal, Covent Garden and Drury Lane. By Thomas Sixth Edition. Holcroft. lished at Roach's Theatrical Library, Russell Printed and pubCourt, Drury Lane. 1813. Price 28.1 8+9-40 pp. Octavo, (Dyce Collection, South Kensington.) The play appeared in the following collections: The London Stage,' 1824; Cumberland, 'Cumberland's British Theatre,' | 1st ed. in the British Museum is the only one J. 1804. Travels from Hamburg, through Westphalia, Holland and the Netherlands, to Paris, By Thomas Holcroft. In two volumes. Vol. I. London: Printed for Richard Phillips, No. 71, St. Paul's Church-Yard. 1804. By T. Gillet, Salisbury-Square." Quarto. I., xxxvi+ 1-468; II., xviii+1-542. This was the work which drew down upon Holcroft the characterization by Jeffrey in The Edinburgh Review as a book-maker (4: 84). A notice also appeared in The Monthly Review for October, 1804 (45: 113– 126, 236-52). There appeared the same year an abridgment changing Holcroft's first into the third person :— "Travels from Hamburgh, through Westphalia, Holland, and the Netherlands, to Paris. By Thomas Holcroft. Abridged by John Fulton, V.M. Glasgow: Printed by R. Chapman, for the booksellers. 1804." Octavo, xvi+1-392 pp. It was but natural, of course, that there should be a record of this book in the Catalogue of Glasgow Public Library [instituted 1804], 1810' (copy in Mitchell Library, Glasgow, G. 50421). It was listed in the January, 1805, issue of The Glasgow Repository of Literature, p. 62, along with Godwin's Fleetwood.' In 1806 Phillips got out the following work : "A collection of modern and contemporary voyages and travels: containing, I. Translations from foreign languages, of voyages and travels never before translated. II. Original Voyages and Travels never before published. III. Analyses of new voyages and travels published in England. London: Printed for Richard Phillips, 6 Bridge-street, Blackfriars ; Barnard & Sultzer, Water Lane, Fleet Street. 1806." By : In vol. ii. pp. 1-86 appeared a sort of résumé and collection of extracts entitled :"Holcroft's Travels. Travels from Hamburgh through Westphalia, Holland, and the Netherlands, to Paris. By Thomas Holcroft. Two volumes quarto, with superb engravings, vignettes, &c., pp. 1010. Price 51. 58. or on large paper, with the plates done up as an atlas, 81. 8s. Phillips, 1804." In this work-Holcroft's, not the abridgment were included two "dramatic proverbs" from the French of Carmontel, inserted as illustrative of social customs, "THE MARSEILLAISE.' (See ante, p. 64.) IN accordance with the suggestion made by The Athenæum of the 13th inst., that the chant des combats in the original French, N. & Q.' should give the full text of I now do so, my friend MISS KATE NORGATE having kindly lent me the original from which she made her translation. This includes the three additional stanzas. Allons, enfants de la patrie, Le jour de gloire est arrivé. Contre nous de la tyrannie L'étendard sanglant est levé! (bis) Entendez-vous dans les campagnes Mugir ces féroces soldats ? Ils viennent jusque dans nos bras Que veut cette horde d'esclaves, Ces fers dès longtemps préparés? (bis) Quoi! des cohortes étrangères Feraient la loi dans nos foyers! Quoi ces phalanges mercenaires Terrasseraient nos fiers guerriers! (bis) Grand Dieu! par des mains enchaînées Nos fronts sous le joug se ploîraient ! De vils despotes deviendraient Les auteurs de nos destinées ! Aux armes, citoyens! formez vos bataillons ! DE QUINCEY ON "TIME FOR DIRECT INTELLECTUAL CULTURE."-In De Quincey's essay on 'Conversation' there appears (on pp. 163-4 of vol. xiii. of Black's edition) an extraordinary blunder in the author's arithmetic. He says, quite rightly, that in a life of seventy years are 25,550 days plus leap Marchez, marchez ! qu'un sang impur abreuve years; but concludes that after deducting nos sillons! one-third for sleep; one-third for necessary work; over 7,000 days passed prior to twenty years of age, and therefore negligible; and 'the smallest allowance consistent with propriety" for eating, drinking, washing (corpus curare), you will have left "not so much as 4,000 days " for direct intellectual culture. Now let us set the deduction ad corpus curandum at just under an hour a day, and we get another 1,000 days to be deducted in seventy years. The figures then work out approximately as follows: Gross number of days in 25,568 8,522 8,522 7,304 1,065 25,413 155 Thus we shall have "for direct intellectual culture," instead of De Quincey's promised 4,000 days or thereabouts, a beggarly 155. Of course De Quincey's bases of calculation can and must be radically altered, or no one could be "cultured " at all. But my careful, the critical, fall into so extraordinary only point is: How did De Quincey, the a miscalculation? C. A. DARLEY. 42, Irving Place, Blackburn. CARDINAL BOURNE WITH THE BRITISH ARMY IN FRANCE.-The recent visit of Cardinal Bourne to the British Army in France is, I think, unique in the history of the army of this country. Bishops were frequently with the English armies in that any English cardinal ever witnessed an mediæval times; but I cannot remember a short time ago. engagement before, as Cardinal Bourne did FREDERICK T. HIBGAME. 10, Essex Street, Norwich. THE DEMOLITION OF No. 56, GREAT QUEEN STREET, W.C.-Yet another link with the past is, at the moment of writing, vanishing from our ken by the aid of the pick and shovel in Great Queen Street, Kingsway. In The Times of 30 Jan. last a letter was |