are denounced in the same organs as tyrants, because they did order their troops to fire upon the people. I said that I deplore the past and sympathize with the fallen. I think every man has a right to have his feelings upon these subjects; but what is the moral I presume to draw from these circumstances? It is this, that it is extremely difficult to form an opinion upon French politics; and that so long as the French people are exact in their commercial transactions, and friendly in their political relations, it is just as well that we should not interfere with their management of their domestic concerns." This sentiment was greeted with loud cheers from both sides of the House.

of a few years great revolutions in this | since occupied his seat, who have asserted country that the form of our government their authority in a very different way, and had been changed-that our free and famous monarchy had been subverted, and that a centralized republic had been established by an energetic minority-that that minority had been insupportable, and that the army had been called in by the people generally to guard them from the excesses which they had experienced. Do you think that under any of these circumstances you would be quite sure of enjoying the same liberty of the press which you enjoy at this moment? Do you think that in the midst of revolutions, with a disputed succession, secret societies, and military rule, you would be quite certain of having your newspapers at your breakfast table every morning? These are considerations which ought to guide us when we are giving an opinion upon the conduct of rulers of other countries." He wished to speak of the present emperor of the French with all respect; but he candidly owned that he sympathized with the fallen Louis Philippe. "Some years ago," said Mr. Disraeli, "I had occasion frequently to visit France. I found that country then under the mild sway of a constitutional monarch-of a prince who from temper as well as from policy was humane and beneficent. I know that at that time the press was free. I know that at that time the parliament of France was in existence, and distinguished by its eloquence and by a dialectic power that probably even this, our own House of Commons, has never surpassed. I know that under these circumstances France arrived at a pitch of material prosperity which it had never before reached. I know also that after a reign of unbroken prosperity of long duration, when he was aged, when he was in sorrow, and when he was suffering under overwhelming indisposition, this same prince was rudely expelled from his capital, and was denounced as a poltroon by all the journals of England, because he did not command his troops to fire upon the people. Well, other powers and other princes have

The leader of the Opposition then proceeded to show, by quotations from speeches made in both Houses of Parliament, that Lord John Russell and Earl Grey had on various former occasions expressed their regret at the tone adopted by a large portion of the English press towards the president of France; such a tone they considered was not only imprudent but offensive in the extreme. This brought Mr. Disraeli to the question he wished to ask--What were the views, opinions, and sentiments of the government of Lord Aberdeen on the subject of the relations between England and France? Was he to judge the opinions of the cabinet by the statements of the first lord of the admiralty? Sir James Graham had described the ruler of France, "in one of those pithy sentences which no one prepares with more elaboration," as a despot who had trampled on the rights and liberties of 40,000,000 of men. Was it by such criticisms, asked Mr. Disraeli, that the cordial understanding with France, which had been so serviceable in various diplomatic and commercial matters during the last few years, was to be maintained? "If I had to form an opinion of the policy of the cabinet," he sneered, "from the first declaration made by so eminent a member of

and of Lord Grey, made in 1852, and holding up to public scorn and indignation the ruler and the people, a good and cordial understanding with whom is the cardinal point of sound statesmanship."

it as the first lord of the admiralty, the declarations of the noble lord opposite, I should certainly be induced to suppose that some great change was about to occur. How are we to account for such a declaration? I will not be so impertinent as to suppose it was an indiscretion. An indiscretion from All the Talents'-impossible! Can it then be design?

Mr. Disraeli next had to deal with the spiteful and unstatesmanlike utterances of On the hustings there must be allowed the member for Halifax. Sir Charles Wood some license, though there can be no doubt had published a very lame apology, dethat whatever liberties you may take with claring that he did not mean to speak your constituents, a councillor of Her Ma- offensively of the emperor of the French. jesty ought at least to be careful when he "I know," remarked Mr. Disraeli, "that the speaks of a foreign potentate. The right hon. gentleman is in the habit of present government tell us that they have saying very offensive things without meanno principles, at least not at present.* Some ing it. I know he has outraged the feelings people are uncharitable enough to sup- of many individuals without the slightest pose that they have not got a policy; but in intention of doing so; and therefore, in Heaven's name, why are they ministers if reference to so peculiar an organization, I they have no discretion? That is the great can only say that that is a very awkward quality on which I had thought this cabinet accomplishment." Yet if Sir Charles had was established. Vast experience, adminis- not meant to be personally offensive to trative adroitness, safe men who never would the ruler of France, what did he mean by blunder-men who might not only take the asserting that the press of Belgium was government without a principle and with- gagged? Was he aware that Belgium was out a party, but to whom the country ought an independent country, governed by one to be grateful for taking it under such of the wisest and most accomplished of circumstances. Yet at the very outset we living princes?† "What a description," find one of the most experienced of these cried Mr. Disraeli with just indignation, eminent statesmen acting in the teeth of "is given of the position of the king of the We know how severe the Opposition were upon the Derby Belgians, to say nothing of the Belgian cabinet professing free trade to please the towns and Pro- people, when a minister of Queen Victoria tection to please the farmers. The Aberdeen administration, publicly announces to Europe that the however, was framed on far more elastic principles. opinion," said Lord Aberdeen in his ministerial statement, king of the Belgians is in a state more "no government in this country is now possible except a Con-humiliating than the slaves who, according which I take to be as indubitably true, that no government to the statement of the first lord of the in this country is now possible except a Liberal government. The truth is, that these terms have no definite meaning.

"In my

servative government; and to that I add another declaration,

I trust, therefore, that in the just acceptation of the word, whatever the measures proposed by the present government may be, they will be Conservative measures as well as Liberal; for I consider both qualities to be essentially necessary." The advantages of this double-shuffle were not lost upon Lord Derby. "I confess," he said, "that it does not convey to my mind any very distinct idea, and I hardly think it can be satisfactory to the country. The advantages to the noble earl are obvious from this vagueness; for whatever his measure he can say he had described it. If it is extreme, and people complain that it goes too far, the noble earl will say, Well, did not I tell you I meant to be Liberal?' and if other parties say, 'Oh, this is nothing at all—it is a distinction without a difference,' the noble earl can turn round on them and say, 'Gentlemen, I told you at the outset I would be extremely Conservative.' The noble earl and his colleagues, in fact, so far as they are pledged by his description as given this evening, can do what they like."

The union of Belgium with Holland by the allies, in 1814, had never been popular. Many were the elements of discord between these two countries. They spoke different languages, had different customs, and opposite commercial interests. Between them was all the bitterness of religious hate. The Dutch were rigid Calvinists, the Belgians bigoted Roman Catholics. The Belgians complained that they were saddled with part of the burthen of the enormous national debt of Holland; that they contributed to the building of Dutch ships and other objects from which they derived no benefit whatever. Their discontent was also increased by the unpopular government of King William I., who treated Belgium like a conquered country. An insurrection broke out at Brussels, and the independence of Belgium was proclaimed November 10, 1830. In the summer of the following year Prince Leopold of Saxe-Coburg was chosen king of Belgium. So sound was his judgment, and so frequent were the appeals made to him to decide, that King Leopold was nicknamed the "juge de paix de l'Europe."

admiralty, are the subjects of the emperor | And yet it was not a newspaper, it was of France, and that he permits the press not one of those vile prints that counsel of his country to be gagged by a foreign assassination, that made the statement that power!" Was such a charge, he asked, the press of Belgium is gagged, but a substantiated by facts? There was no councillor of Queen Victoria, an experislight question at stake in the matter, enced statesman, a statesman selected to because if the press of Belgium were sit in the councils of the government gagged by a foreign power, where was (where there is no regard to the principles the independence of that country? and of the gentlemen who compose it, as that when and at what hour might not Eng- is a question of second-rate importance), land be called on, in conformity with selected to take office on account of his treaties which could not be evaded, to admirable discretion, his unfailing judgemancipate Belgium from that thraldom? ment, and the certainty that under no But what were the facts? In Belgium circumstances he would say or do anything they spoke the French language, and cer- that could commit his colleagues." tain newspapers published in that country, and written in the French language, had openly advocated the assassination of the ruler of France. The emperor of the French naturally complained of such flagrant outrages, and had appealed to the sovereign of Belgium.

After a few sarcasms upon experienced cabinet ministers babbling recklessly on the hustings, and some remarks as to the importance, in the present state of the Eastern question, of fully maintaining our former cordial relations with France, Mr. Disraeli thus concluded :—

And, now, what course did the king of We have at this moment," he said, the Belgians adopt? "He acted like a alluding to the present state of parties in wise and able sovereign," replied Mr. Dis- the House of Commons, "a Conservative raeli. "He did not submit to his press ministry and a Conservative opposition. being gagged; he made no humiliating Where the great Liberal party is I pretend concessions; but he felt that the appeal not to know. Where are the Whigs with made to him was a just appeal, that the their great traditions-two centuries of outrage was an unjustifiable outrage; and parliamentary lustre and deeds of noble he went to his own free parliament and patriotism? There is no one to answer. said that it was an intolerable grievance Where are the youthful energies of Radicalthat a neighbouring prince should be held ism-its buoyant expectations-its sanguine up to assassination by newspapers in Bel- hopes? Awakened, I fear, from the first gium, and in the language read by his own dream of that ardent inexperience which subjects; and he appealed to that parlia- finds itself at the same moment used ment to do what was proper. And what and discarded-used without compuncwas the course of the free parliament of tion, and not discarded with too much deBelgium? I believe, without a dissentient cency. Where are the Radicals? Is there voice, certainly without any important a man in the House who declares himpposition, they passed a law declaring that papers in the French language, or in any language, should not be published in Belgium that recommended the assassination of neighbouring princes; and thus, in the most efficient and constitutional manner, that consummate sovereign terminated a difficulty which threatened his country, in a way most honourable to all parties.

self to be a Radical? (A voice, "Yes!") Oh no!" laughed Mr. Disraeli; "you would be afraid of being caught and changed into a Conservative minister. Well, how has this curious state of things been brought about? What is the machinery by which it has been effectedthe secret system that has brought on this portentous political calamity?" Then he

proceeded to answer these questions by of Oxford was not over favourably disposed attributing the change to the political to their claims, all approved of the seleccreed promulgated by Sir James Graham, tion of one who had made finance his who had ostentatiously announced that he special study-who had proved his abilities took his stand upon progress. "Well," under Sir Robert Peel, and who had since. continued Mr. Disraeli, "we have now by his parliamentary speeches shown got a ministry of progress, and every one himself a financial critic of no ordinary stands still. We never hear the word capacity-to the post of keeper of the 'reform' now it is no longer a ministry national purse. The most sanguine exof reform; it is a ministry of progress, pectations were entertained as to the every member of which agrees to do budget Mr. Gladstone was preparing. nothing. All difficult questions are sus- Taxation was to be reduced, and yet a pended. All questions which cannot be surplus guaranteed. There was to be no agreed upon are open questions. Now, affectation of originality in the schemes I do not want to be unreasonable, but I that were being drawn up, there were think there ought to be some limit to to be no delusive speculations, no flashy this system of open questions. It is a promises that could never be fulfilled, or system which has hitherto prevailed only the like; but everything was to be sound, partially in this country, and which never practical, and eminently businesslike. has prevailed with any advantage to it. Let us at least fix some limit to it. Let parliamentary reform, let the ballot, be open questions if you please; let every institution in church and state be open questions; but, at least, let your answer to me to-night prove that among your open questions you are not going to make an open question of the peace of Europe." A few days after this speech, Lord John Russell resigned the seals of the foreign office to Lord Clarendon, on the plea that to act in the dual capacity of foreign secretary and leader of the House of Commons was a strain upon his health to which he felt unequal. Some months later he was appointed lord president of the council. It was alleged at the time that there had been a difference in the cabinet as to the policy to be pursued towards the emperor of the French.

In a speech of five hours, Mr. Gladstone (Feb. 18, 1853) expounded before a crowded house his financial statement. Briefly stated, it was as follows:-The tea duty (thanks to Mr. Disraeli's suggestion) was to be reduced by one shilling a pound, and the reduction was to be spread over three years; the duty on soap was to be abolished at once and altogether. Mr. Gladstone confessed himself unequal to the equitable adjustment of the income tax, and therefore proposed its entire abolition after a gradual diminution which was to cover a period of seven years. The tax was to be extended to Ireland; but, as an equivalent, the consolidated annuities were to be abandoned. The tariff was to be reformed; 133 articles were to be completely struck out; whilst the duties on foreign butter, cheese, fruit, &c., were to be considerably reduced. The duty on The financial condition of the country private carriages, horses, and dogs was also was the next subject of importance which to be lowered. The duty on advertisecame before the popular chamber to be ments was reduced to sixpence, and the discussed. Unlike that of his predecessor, duty on each newspaper, without regard to the appointment of Mr. Gladstone as chan- its size, was to be fixed at one penny. The cellor of the exchequer was hailed with scale of licenses was to be rectified so as almost universal satisfaction. With the to make it bear some proportion to the exception of the landed interest, who value of the premises rented or business knew that the member for the University done. To meet the deficiency created by

the remission of taxation, it was proposed | ment, are alike unjust and impolitic." The to raise £2,000,000 a year by extending second time (May 9) was also on the income the legacy duty to all successions, and by tax, when the House went into committee abolishing the exemption which real pro- of ways and means. In these two speeches perty had hitherto enjoyed. It was also he summed up all the objections of the intended to increase the duty on Scotch Opposition to the measure. spirits by one shilling a gallon, and the duty on Irish spirits by eightpence a gallon. The balance anticipated in the ensuing financial year was estimated at £493,000.