more to identify our colleges with our churches, and to stimulate both the one and the other to a sense of their reciprocal responsibilities, than any other circumstance whatsoever."

If the adoption of this plan become general, we shall have no longer any reason to complain of the inadequate support of these institutions. Nor would it be attended with any burdensome results. We are far from contending that the same amount of exertion is required as in the case of our missionary societies. A much more moderate sum will be all that is necessary. All that we contend for is, that the support of the Christian public, (both as a matter of principle, and as a matter of policy in relation to our great religious societies themselves,) ought to be equally general: that it should be equally munificent, is happily not needful. If every independent and baptist congregation were to raise in this way, (taking the wealthy and the poor together,) only five pounds annually, a sum would be realized amply sufficient to meet all the current expenses of all the colleges connected with these denominations.

We conclude the present article by the following eloquent and impressive appeal from Mr. Alexander's sermon, which, together with the rest of this admirable discourse, we earnestly recommend to general perusal:

"In fine, let all of us, as many as are interested in the prosperity of this and kindred institutions, be much in prayer to God for them, ever remembering that it is only as our efforts are crowned with His effectual blessing that they can prove truly successful. Let us pray not merely that these schools of the prophets' may be kept up to the measure of their present efficiency, but that their usefulness may be greatly extended, by an increase both to the number of students attending them and to the success with which the studies prescribed in them are pursued. There is no need for the fear which some seem to entertain lest too large a number of well-educated preachers should be sent forth from our seminaries. Of such a danger I can form no apprehension-perhaps from its never having yet occurred. Hitherto the evil has been from the opposite cause. Up to this time the demand for good preachers has ever exceeded the supply-a circumstance which has been fraught with evil to the churches as well as to the ministry. To the former, it has proved injurious, in that so many promising stations have gone down from want of an efficient ministry to uphold them, whilst others have been sustained in a precarious and sickly existence only by the desperate expedient of an incessant change of pastors, thereby attempting to supply by variety what was wanting in solidity and strength. To the latter, it has been mischievous in various ways. Whilst some from want of proper furniture for their office, have been seduced by a love of notoriety to seek that distinction by acting the part of noisy demagogues, which they found themselves unable to reach by the more dignified, but less facile, efforts of professional usefulness; and others of nobler mind, choosing rather to sink

at their post than to cleave to it with lessening efficiency and diminished honour, have fallen a sacrifice in early manhood to the labours which they endured in order to meet the demands of an office with which they had been prematurely invested; how many have there been of less ardent and elevated minds who, yielding to an evil which they could not overcome, have either sought a shelter in some obscure retreat where monotonous mediocrity is still tolerated, or after many a change, are found hovering about our larger cities, rendering unvalued services where no better can be obtained, wasting their days in 'strenuous idleness,' and, uninjured in health or faculties, able, like the labourers in the parable, when asked, 'Why stand ye here all the day idle?' to render no other than the humiliating answer, 'Because no man hath hired us!' It is time, sirs, that the churches were bestirring themselves to prevent such evils. They are clogs upon our progress, blots on our escutcheon, spots in our feasts of love. Better, indeed, I grant, that such things should be, than that there should be any approximation among us to what prevails in those bodies of Christians which have submitted to the control of the state, where men are confirmed in the authority and emoluments of the ministerial office for life, whether they be fitted for its functions or not; but better far would it be, if, upholding as a sacred bulwark of our cause the right of the people to disentangle themselves from an inefficient ministry, we should nevertheless in effect nullify that right by sending forth to the churches ministers of such a stamp, that, once settled over a Christian flock, the constant aim of the latter should be to retain their services and to walk in their light. That such a result is practicable I have no doubt; and as no means seem to me to be more calculated, under the Divine blessing, to secure it than the extended efficiency of our academical institutions, I would earnestly implore all whom I now address to give of their thoughts, their money, and their prayers to this object. By so doing I am persuaded you will well consult for the good of your own souls, for the interests of the churches with which you stand connected, for the honour and happiness of our country, for the well-being of your beloved families and friends, and for that, which to the real Christian is still dearer than country-family, friends, self,- -THE GLORY OF OUR EXALTED REDEEMER, who gave himself for us, that he might redeem us from all iniquity, and purify unto himself a peculiar people, zealous of good works."-pp. 33-35.

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Art. II. Proceedings of the General Anti-Slavery Convention, called by the Committee of the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society, and held in London, from Friday, June 12th, to Tuesday, June 23rd. 1840. London: British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society. 1841.

THE Anti-Slavery Convention of 1840 marked a new era in the history of mankind. It was altogether unprecedented in its character, and was honourable alike to the intellect and the heart of its projectors. It betokened the mature strength to which practical philanthropy had attained, and held out the promise of vast good to the outcast and wretched of the human race. The first announcement of the meeting was regarded with incredulity even by many who were interested in its object. They could scarcely conceive it possible that representatives, from almost every quarter of the globe, could be brought together, men of various climes and different tongues,-at the summons of pure philanthropy; and that, when assembled, their discussions should be confined within the prescribed limits of their charitable mission, and should assume a practical form, to which no just exception could be taken, but from which a liberal measure of future good might be anticipated. Princes, statesmen, and ecclesiastics, have had their meetings, but the annals of history presented no instance of a benevolent appeal to the civilized world, such as the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society made. The design of the meeting, as stated in the circular calling it, was-" To deliberate on the best means of promoting the interests of the slave, of obtaining his immediate and unconditional freedom, and, by every pacific measure, to hasten the utter extinction of the slave-trade." Το such a meeting, "the friends of the slave, of every nation and of every clime," were earnestly invited by the abolitionists of Britain. The simplicity of the object proposed, the pure charity it breathed, the strictly religious grounds on which it was based, and the catholic fellowship with the whole human family which the movement indicated, placed it infinitely above all conventions, civil or ecclesiastical, which the world had previously witnessed. The objects of the Convention were lucidly stated in a paper which was read at the commencement of its sittings. "For the eradication and destruction of this evil," said the document, we, in our office as delegates, and members of this convention, are summoned, and have come hither, at the special invitation of the committee of the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society, that we may confirm one another in our hatred of that great wrong, in our purpose and resolution to oppose it; and that, by our calm, solemn, and enlightened deliberations, we may devise such methods of future co-operation, as may, by the guidance and

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blessing of the most high God, the fountain of all wisdom and goodness, and the common Father of our whole race, the more speedily conduct to its utter final overthrow in every part of our habitable world. That evil is slavery-direct, unequivocal, absolute slavery-not other evils of a kindred character, or which, in the opinion of some, may be of equal, or even greater magnitude, or which may be classed by some philosophical philanthropists under the same head, and called by the same name; but, if we may so speak, slavery proper, in its own distinct and essential attributes."

The extent of the evil against which the labours of the convention were directed is much greater than is generally imagined. In the United States, the slave population is estimated at 2,750,000; in the Brazils, at 2,500,000; in the Spanish colonies, 600,000; in the French, 265,000; in the Dutch, 70,000; in the Danish and Swedish, 30,000; and in Texas, 25,000; making a total of 6,240,000; to which must be added several millions more held in bondage by Great Britain in the East Indies, and in the settlements of Ceylon, Molucca, and Penang, as well as by France, Holland, and Portugal, in various parts of Asia and Africa. In addition to all this, 120,000 native Africans are, on the most moderate calculation, annually conveyed to the slave-markets of the West, and 50,000 to those of the East; in procuring whom, nearly 300,000 perish under circumstances the most revolting and terrible.

The volume before us contains the results of the Convention, so far as paper and print can exhibit them, and we only regret that its publication has been so long delayed as to endanger somewhat its circulation. We doubt not that good reasons may be pleaded for the delay, and we hasten, without further comment, to acquaint our readers with some of its more important details. We did this to some extent immediately after the breaking up of the Convention, and shall be careful, therefore, on the present occasion, not to go over the ground we then occupied.

On the second day's sitting, a valuable paper was read on the essential sinfulness of slavery, which lucidly exhibits the unchristian and impious character of the system, and shuts up the professor of Christianity to the abandonment of slavery or the renunciation of his Christian faith. Two facts, it is strikingly observed, shew the opposition of the slave system to the genius and influence of Christianity. The one is, that as Christianity prevailed, it abolished the long-continued and widely-spread slavery of Greece and Rome: and the other is, that wherever slavery prevails, it views with extreme jealousy the efforts of Christian missionaries, and greatly obstructs them. The general result of the argument is stated in the following propositions:

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"1. That to make or hold a man a slave, is an offence against God, and a grievous wrong to man, and should be viewed and dealt with as a sin.

"2. That, therefore, all who fear God and regard man, should purge themselves from this accursed thing, and 'touch not, taste not, handle not.'

"3. That this is the ground on which the battle for universal emancipation must be fought.

"4. And that on this ground, all who love God and man should rally for a determined, combined, and persevering effort, assured that greater is He that is for us, than all that can be against us."-p. 55.

Some discussion took place on the propriety of adopting resolutions recommendatory of withholding from slave-holders the fellowship of the Christian church. The feeling out of which the discussion grew was more sensitive than just, but the debate which followed served to elicit much admirable feeling, and to place the general subject in a clearer and stronger light.

The following resolutions were ultimately adopted with entire unanimity, the whole assembly rising in token of their hearty

concurrence.

"1. That the paper of the Rev. B. Godwin, on the essential sinfulness of slavery be recommended to the committee of the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society for publication.

"2. That it is the deliberate and deeply-rooted conviction of this convention, which it thus publicly and solemnly expresses to the world, that slavery, in whatever form, or in whatever country it exists, is contrary to the eternal and immutable principles of justice, and the spirit and precepts of Christianity; and is, therefore, a sin against God, which acquires additional enormity when committed by nations professedly Christian, and in an age when the subject has been so generally discussed, and its criminality so thoroughly exposed.

"3. That this convention cannot but deeply deplore the fact, that the continuance and prevalence of slavery are to be attributed, in a great degree, to the countenance afforded by many Christian churches, especially in the western world; which have not only withheld that public and emphatic testimony against the crime which it deserves, but have retained in their communion, without censure, those by whom it is notoriously perpetrated.

"4. That this convention, while it disclaims the intention or desire of dictating to Christian communities the terms of their fellowship, respectfully submits, that it is their incumbent duty to separate from their communion, all those persons who, after they have been faithfully warned, in the spirit of the gospel, continue in the sin of enslaving their fellow creatures, or holding them in slavery,-a sin, by the commission of which, with whatever mitigating circumstances it may be attended in their own particular instance, they give the support of their example to the whole system of compulsory servitude, and the unutterable horrors of the slave-trade.