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O wake once more! how rude soe'er the hand
That ventures o'er thy magic maze to stray;

O wake once more! though scarce my skill command
Some feeble echoing of thine earlier lay :

Though harsh and faint, and soon to die away,
And all unworthy of thy nobler strain,
Yet if one heart throb higher at its sway,

The wizard note has not been touch'd in vain,
Then silent be no more! Enchantress, wake again!

SCOTT.

84.-EXTRACT FROM A SPEECH OF JOHN RANDOLPH, DELIVER

ED IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES OF THE UNITED

STATES, DECEMBER 10, 1811,

On the second resolution reported by the committee of foreign relations, "That an additional force of ten thousand regular troops ought to be immediately raised, to serve for three years; and that a bounty in lands ought to be given to encourage enlistment."

MR. SPEAKER,-This is a question, as it has been presented to this house, of peace or war. In that light it has been argued; in no other light can I consider it, after the declarations made by members of the committee of foreign relations. Without intending any disrespect to the chair, I must be permitted to say, that if the decision yesterday was correct," that it was not in order to advance any arguments against the resolution, drawn from topics before other committees of the house," the whole debate, nay, the report itself, on which we are acting, is disorderly, since the increase of the military force is a subject, at this time, in agitation by a select committee, raised on that branch of the president's message. But it is impossible that the discussion of a question, broad as the wide ocean of our foreign concerns, involving every consideration of interest, of right, of happiness, and of safety at home; touching, in every point, all that is dear to freemen, "their lives, their fortunes, and their sacred honour," can be tied down by the narrow rules of technical routine.

The committee of foreign relations have, indeed, decided that the subject of arming the militia (which has been pressed upon them as indispensable to the public

security) does not come within the scope of their authority. On what ground, I have been and still am unable to see, they have felt themselves authorized to recommend the raising of standing armies, with a view (as has been declared) of immediate war—a war, not of defence, but of conquest, of aggrandizement, of ambition-a war foreign to the interests of this country-to the interests of humanity itself.

I know not how gentlemen, calling themselves republicans, can advocate such a war. What was their doctrine in 1798 and '9, when the command of the army-that highest of all possible trusts in any government, be the form what it may-was reposed in the bosom of the father of his country-the sanctuary of a nation's love; the only hope that never came in vain!-when other worthies of the revolution, Hamilton, Pinkney, and the younger Washington, men of tried patriotism, of approved conduct and valour, of untarnished honour, held subordinate command under him. Republicans were then unwilling to trust a standing army even to his hands, who had given proof that he was above all human temptation. Where now is the revolutionary hero, to whom you are about to confide this sacred trust? To whom will you confide the charge of leading the flower of our youth to the heights of Abraham? Will you find him in the person of an acquitted felon ? What! then you are unwilling to vote an army where such men as have been named held high command! When Washington himself was at the head, did you show such reluctance, feel such scruples; and are you now nothing loath, fearless of every consequence? Will you say that your provocations were less then than now, when your direct commerce was interdicted, your ambassadors hooted with derision from the French court, tribute demanded, actual war waged upon you?

Those who opposed the army then, were, indeed, denounced as the partisans of France; as the same men (some of them at least) are now held up as the advocates of England; those firm and undeviating republicans, who then dared, and now dare, to cling to the ark of the constitution, to defend it even at the expense of their fame, rather than surrender themselves to the wild projects of mad ambition. There is a fatality attending plenitude of

power. Soon or late, some mania seizes upon its possessors; they fall from the dizzy height through giddiness Like a vast estate, heaped up by the labour and industry of one man, which seldom survives the third generation; power gained by patient assiduity, by a faithful and regular discharge of its attendant duties, soon gets above its own origin. Intoxicated with their own greatness, the federal party fell. Will not the same causes produce the same effects now as then? Sir, you may raise this army, you may build up this vast structure of patronage; but "lay not the flattering unction to your souls;" you will never live to enjoy the succession. You sign your political death

warrant.

85.-SECOND EXTRACT FROM THE SAME.

MR. SPEAKER,-How have we shown our sympathy with the patriots of Spain, or with the American provinces ? By seizing on one of them, her claim to which we had formerly respected, as soon as the parent country was embroiled at home. Is it thus wé yield them assistance against the arch-fiend, who is grasping at the sceptre of the civilized world? The object of France is as much Spanish-America as old Spain herself. Much as I hate a standing army, I could almost find it my heart to vote one, could it be sent to the assistance of the Spanish patriots.

Against whom are these charges of British predilection brought? Against men, who, in the war of the revolution, were in the councils of the nation, or fighting the battles of your country. And by whom are they made? By runaways chiefly from the British dominions, since the breaking out of the French troubles. It is insufferable. It cannot be borne. It must and ought, with severity, to be put down in this house, and out of it to meet the lie direct. We have no fellow feeling for the suffering and oppressed Spaniards! Yet even them we do not reprobate.

Strange! that we should have no objection to any other people or government, civilized or savage, in the whole world! The great autocrat of all the Russias receives the homage of our high consideration. The dey of Algiers and his divan of pirates are very civil, good sort of people,

with whom we find no difficulty in maintaining the relations of peace and amity. "Turks, Jews, and Infidels," Melimelli or the Little Turtle; barbarians and savages of every clime and colour, are welcome to our arms. With

chiefs of banditti, negro or mulatto, we can treat and can trade. Name, however, but England, and all our antipathies are up in arms against her. Against whom? Against those whose blood runs in our veins; in common with whom, we claim Shakspeare, and Newton, and Chatham, for our countrymen; whose form of government is the freest on earth, our own only excepted: from whom every valuable principle of our own institutions has been borrowed-representation-jury trial-voting the supplies-writ of habeas corpus--our whole civil and criminal jurisprudence ;-against our fellow Protestants, identified in blood, in language, in religion with ourselves. In what school did the worthies of our land, the Washingtons, Henrys, Hancocks, Franklins, Rutledges of America learn those principles of civil liberty which were so nobly asserted by their wisdom and valour? American resistance to British usurpation has not been more warmly cherished by these great men and their compatriots; not more by Washington, Hancock and Henry, than by Chatham and his illustrious associates in the British parliament. It ought to be remembered, too, that the heart of the English people was with us. It was a selfish and corrupt ministry, and their servile tools, to whom we were not more opposed than they were. I trust that none such may ever exist among us; for tools will never be wanting to subserve the purposes, however ruinous or wicked, of kings and ministers of state. I acknowledge the influence of a Shakspeare and a Milton upon my imagination, of a Locke upon my understanding, of a Sidney upon my political principles, of a Chatham upon qualities which, would to God, I possessed in common with that illustrious man! of a Tillotson, a Sherlock, and a Porteus, upon my religion. This is a British influence which I can never shake off.

I allow much to the just and honest prejudices growing out of the revolution. But by whom have they been suppressed, when they ran counter to the interests of my country? By Washington. By whom, would you listen to them, are they most keenly felt? By felons escaped

from the jails of Paris, Newgate and Kilmainham, since the breaking out of the French revolution; who, in this abused and insulted country, have set up for political teachers, and whose disciples give no other proof of their progress in republicanism, except a blind devotion to the most ruthless military despotism that the world ever saw. These are

the patriots who scruple not to brand with the epithet of tory, the men [looking toward the seat of Colonel Stewart] by whose blood your liberties have been cemented These are they, who hold in such keen remembrance the outrages of the British armies, from which many of them are deserters. Ask these self-styled patriots where they were during the American war, (for they are, for the most part, old enough to have borne arms,) and you strike them dumb; their lips are closed in eternal silence. If it were allowable to entertain partialities, every consideration of blood, language, religion and interest, would incline us toward England; and yet, shall they be alone extended to France and her ruler, whom we are bound to believe a chastening God suffers as the scourge of a guilty world? On all other nations he tramples; he holds them in contempt; England alone he hates; he would but he cannot despise her; fear cannot despise. And shall we disparage our ancestors? Shall we disgrace ourselves by placing them even below the brigands of St. Domingo ?—with whom Mr. Adams negociated a sort of treaty, for which he ought to have been and would have been impeached, if the people had not previously passed sentence of disqualification for their service upon him. This antipathy to all that is English must be French.

But the outrages and injuries of England, bred up in the principles of the revolution, I can never palliate, much less defend them. I well remember flying, with my mother and her new-born child, from Arnold and Phillips-and we were driven by Tarleton and other British pandours, from pillar to post, while her husband was fighting the battles of his country. The impression is indelible on my memory; and yet (like my worthy old neighbour, who added seven buckshot to every cartridge at the battle of Guilford, and drew a fine sight at his man) I must be content to be called a tory by a patriot of the last importation. Let us not get id of one evil (supposing it possible) at the expense of a

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