time. The powerful family of Luna, of which the Archbishop of Zaragoza was a member, boldly reproached the King of Aragon for sacrificing an ally who had rendered him such signal service to an implacable enemy, an enemy who during ten years had carried fire and sword into his kingdom: Pedro IV., however, piqued himself no more upon his generosity than upon his good faith. The battle of Najera was in his eyes the irrevocable condemnation of Don Enrique. He had no hesitation in commencing negociations with Don Pedro and the Prince of Wales. Besides, the Castilians themselves had set him the example of forgetting oaths. Burgos opened her gates before she was summoned; and the submission of the whole kingdom was even more rapid than its revolt had been a few months before. All endeavoured to disarm the victor's anger by the readiness and good will with which they submitted and returned to his yoke. A small number of Ricos Hombres either fortified their castles in defiance, or sought refuge in a foreign land; no one, how ever, thought of protesting against the decisive sentence which had gone forth from the banks of the Najerilla.

CHAPTER X.

RESTORATION OF DON PEDRO.

1367-1368.

I.

THE Prince of Wales entered Burgos a few days after Don Pedro. There the misunderstanding between the two allies broke out afresh, and in the most flagrant manner. The one complained bitterly that the Prince had sold his services too dear; the other, that the treaty of Libourne had not been faithfully observed. It was remarked that the Prince preferred lodging outside the town,* away from the king, who had taken up his residence in the castle; they seemed to regard each other with mutual distrust. Edward was no longer consulted upon any matter, Don Pedro, as in times past, desiring to govern alone. No sooner had they reached Burgos than he arrested the Archbishop Jean de Cardalhac, a native of Gascony, and a relative of the Comte d'Armagnac, one of the principal chiefs of the English army. To render all intercession in his favour impracticable, the king sent him immediately to the castle of Alcalade Guadayra, in Andalucia, where he was con

*The Prince resided in the royal monastery of Las Huelgas, as has been stated in a previous note.

† Archbishop of Braga.

fined in one of those subterraneous dungeons, the horrible invention of feudal despotism.* A short time afterwards, Diego de Padilla, the king's brother-in-law, and Master of Calatrava, was conducted to the same fortress. It has already been seen that Padilla had made his submission to Don Enrique, even before Don Pedro had quitted his dominions, and in consideration of his prompt defection had not been deprived of his high dignity, or rather Don Enrique had abstained from pronouncing definitively between him and Pedro Moñiz, who also assumed the title of Master of Calatrava.† Padilla had sought to elude public notice by retiring to the castles of his order. When the approach of the English had obliged Don Enrique to assemble his forces, Don Diego de Padilla, by repeated delays, contrived to remain in the rear, and took no part in the battle of Najera. When informed of the result, he hastened to Don Pedro at the head of about two hundred cavalleros of his order, whom, he said, he had summoned to fly to the assistance of their legitimate sovereign. Don Pedro was not the dupe of this barefaced falsehood, and as soon as the whole of Castile had tendered submission, he had the traitor arrested and thrown into prison. Padilla died there at the end of a few months. His place had already been filled by Martin Lopez, Master of Alcantara.‡

* Ayala, p. 473, and following, calls this prison a silo. The Archbishop was confined here nearly two years. He became afterwards Archbishop of Toulouse.

Torres y Tapia, "Cron. de Alcant.," t. 11, p. 102, and following.

Rades, "Cron. de Calat.," p. 58-59.

Torres y Tapia,

II.

On hearing of these arrests, especially that of the Gascon prelate, the Prince of Wales imagined a direct insult had been offered to himself. He protested, but in vain; Don Pedro declared that he no longer needed the English army, and that it was a heavy expense to him. He requested the prince to return to Guyenne, at the same time begging him to leave behind one thousand armed men for a few months longer. There being no more battles to fight, no fresh glory to acquire, Edward asked nothing better than to return to his own dominions. His health, which had been declining for some time, had suffered considerably from the fatigues of the last campaign; and moreover, some hostile demonstrations on the part of the King of France rendered his presence necessary in Bordeaux.

Before quitting Spain, however, he was desirous that his captains should receive the monies due to them, for the payment of which he himself had made advances, or had become guarantee. Besides, he required the surrender of the Biscayan ports, which by the treaty of Libourne, Don Pedro had engaged to cede to him.

"Cron. de Alcantara," asserts that Don Diego de Padilla was dead in 1365, and he cites a protest of the brothers of Calatrava against the election of Martin Lopez, dated the 30th of August. Era 1403 (1365). See t. 11, p. 103, and following. Señor de Llaguno disputes and invalidates this document in a note to which we refer the reader. Ayala, p. 596. According to Ayala, Padilla must have been put to death in the keep of the Alcala de Guadaïra, in 1369, by command of the King, who had learned that he was in correspondence with the rebels. Ayala, p. 536.

VOL. II.

U

The King of Castile, however, manifested no inclination to fulfil these promises. Edward protested, and not without bitterness. Commissioners were appointed on both sides, for already the two allies communicated with each other only through ambassadors. To Edward's demand for subsidies, the Castilian ministers replied by rival claims. They first enlarged on the rapacity and violence of the English army, which in its total want of discipline and propensity to plunder yielded in no respect to Don Enrique's Knights Companions. They next asserted that, during the king's sojourn in Guyenne, the gold and silver money he had brought from Spain and distributed among the English captains to enable them to make preparations for their expedition, had been taken at an exorbitant profit; that the jewellery given to the prince by Don Pedro had been valued at only one half its real worth. They insisted that before discussing the question of subsidies due to the English army, a fresh valuation should be made of all the monies advanced by the king before the commencement of the campaign. The English replied that it was impossible to enter afresh into past transactions, and contended that they had in fact lost through the gold and jewellery brought from Castile, having been forced to part with them at a low rate to purchase arms and war-horses.

This discussion was obstinately protracted until it was clearly ascertained that the king's exchequer was now empty. The prince, who had guaranteed. Don Pedro's payment of the English captains, consented to allow his ally time to discharge his debt; but demanded, as additional security, twenty Casti