heartily with the Northern States and the Federal government throughout the late war than the working classes of England, especially the artisans of her great cities. To their lasting honour it must be said that they judged well and truly the American question; they ever supported staunchly and manfully that cause which no less an authority than the great Cavour had declared to be "not only that of constitutional liberty, but of all humanity." Let them, then, never forget the great lesson which the free government and people of the United States have inculcated upon the world. Let them remember, that just as order without freedom is little else than tyranny, so freedom without order is little better than anarchy. Let them bear in mind that liberty and law must ever go hand-in-hand; that the cooperation of the two is absolutely needful to the life of a free people. Thus continuing to think and act, the operative classes will add daily to the proofs already existing, that to admit them in a just proportion to a direct participation in the choice of England's representatives, is but to widen and strengthen the basis upon which repose those ancient laws and liberties which we English love so proudly and so well. But one word more. There are those who dread the growing power of the United States, and that chiefly on account of its republican form of government. Yet, while believing that, in the Old World at any rate, constitutional monarchy is the best form of freedom, it is only just to add that the republican is but another form of that same freedom, and not a hostile system. What, after all, lies at the basis of America's republican institutions, if not our own English laws and liberties? Whence comes the system of her jurisprudence—whence her juries? From whence do her legal authorities draw their precedents? Her free press, her public meetings, the two Houses which in her every State form the legislature, are they not outgrowths of England's system? The principle of self-government, and that local application of it in every portion of American soil, is it not of English origin? Wherever America's dominion extends, it ever carries with it the germ of these rich blessings, spreads abroad England's faith and mother tongue, thus advancing her free and Christian civilisation. Is it, indeed, so terrible a thing to see them spreading throughout the New World? Is it worthy of English hearts and intellects to tremble at such a prospect? Would they not do better to rejoice and take courage? Should they not rather bid God speed to the younger branch of our great English family? Such, assuredly, is the feeling of England's toiling millions; and they are right. There is no good reason for a wretched display of petty jealousy between the mother country and her stalwart son. Their prosperity and friendship are mighty elements of the world's order, freedom, and progress. Therefore England's people do well to say to their kinsmen of America May brotherly union, with all its attendant blessings, be completely restored throughout the length and breadth of your vast dominion. So may all your federated States rally anew around your stardecked flag, planted by the hand of immortal Washington, and saved by that of your loved patriot and martyr, Abraham Lincoln. So may each one of your citizens, whether his State lie on the Atlantic or the Pacific shore, whether watered by the Northern lakes or by the Southern gulf, repeat from his heart those noble words of Daniel Webster, "I know no North, I know no South; I know only my country." So may your future be yet greater and more prosperous than your past, and that, not by means of crafty policy, not by the brutal force of arms, nor yet because your material wealth increases, but because now your institutions rest, without reserve, upon the sure foundations of justice, liberty, and right—because now you recognise those sacred principles as the common heritage of all, without distinction of class, or creed, or colour-because now the fair page of your constitution is no longer soiled by the foul stain of Slavery! THE END. Printed by Ballantyne & Co., Edinburgh. WORKS PUBLISHED BY TRÜBNER & COMPANY, 60 PATERNOSTER ROW, LONDON. THE POSITIVE PHILOSOPHY OF AUGUSTE COMTE. Freely Translated and Condensed by HARRIET MARTINEAU. Two volumes large post 8vo, pp. xlii. and 1042, cloth, 16s. "A work of profound science."-Edinburgh Review. THE CATECHISM OF POSITIVE RELIGION. Translated from the French of AUGUSTE COMTE, by RICHARD CONGREVE. 12mo, pp. 434, cloth, 6s. 6d. A GENERAL VIEW OF POSITIVISM. Translated from the French of AUGUSTE COMTE, by Dr J. H. BRIDGES. Crown 8vo, pp. xii. and 428, cloth, 8s. 6d. AUGUSTE COMTE AND POSITIVISM. By JOHN STUART MILL. Reprinted from the Westminster Review. Second REVIEW OF THE WORK OF MR JOHN STUART MILL, entitled "Examination of Sir William Hamilton's Philosophy.' By GEORGE GROTE, Author of the "History of Ancient Greece," &c. 12mo, pp. 112, cloth, 3s. 6d. SPEECH OF JOHN STUART MILL, M.P., ON THE ADMISSION OF WOMEN TO THE ELECTORAL FRANCHISE. Spoken in the House of Commons, May 20th, 1867. 8vo, stitched, 6d. ENFRANCHISEMENT OF WOMEN. By Mrs STUART MILL. Reprinted from the Westminster Review for July 1851. 8vo, sewed, Id. THE CLAIM OF ENGLISHWOMEN TO THE SUFFRAGE CONSTITUTIONALLY CONSIDERED. By HELEN TAYLOR. Reprinted from the Westminster Review. 8vo, sewed, id. LECTURES, ON POLITICAL ECONOMY. CIS W. NEWMAN. Crown 8vo, pp. 342, cloth, 55. By FRAN DISCOURSES OF SOCIAL SCIENCE. By the late THEODORE PARKER. In one volume crown 8vo, pp. 296, cloth, 6s. LESSONS FROM THE WORLD OF MATTER AND THE WORLD OF MAN. By THEODORE PARKER. Selected from Notes of his unpublished Sermons, by Rufus Leighton. Edited by FRANCES POWER COBBE. Crown 8vo, pp. xx. and 332, cloth, 7s. 6d. "The richest collection of golden words and precious thoughts in the English tongue."-The Truth Seeker. JEREMY BENTHAM'S THEORY OF LEGISLATION. From the French Version of ÉTIENNE DUMONT. By R. HILIn one volume 8vo, pp. xvi. and 472, cloth, 7s. 6d. DRETH. ESSAYS AND LECTURES ON INDIAN HISTORICAL SUBJECTS.-I. A Native State and its Rulers.-II. Lord Lake of Laswarrie.-III. Count Lally.-IV. Havelock.-V. Hyder. Ali's Last War.-VI. Sir Hugh Rose. By Major G. B. MALLESON, Bengal Staff Corps. Crown 8vo, pp. 348, cloth, 6s. THE DERVISHES; or, Oriental Spiritualism. By JOHN P.'BROWN, Secretary and Dragoman of the Legation of the United States of America at Constantinople. In one volume, with twentyfour illustrations, crown 8vo, pp. viii. and 416, cloth, 14s. ESSAYS, POLITICAL AND MISCELLANEOUS. By BERNARD CRACROFT, M.A., Trinity College, Cambridge. In two vols. crown 8vo, pp. 674, cloth, 21S. CONTENTS OF VOL. I.-The Session of 1866-The State of Affairs in January 1867-Analysis of the House of Commons in 1867-The Session of 1867. Social Articles: Magnanimity, Work, Praise, Vanity-The Talent of Looking Like a Fool with Propriety-Jealousy-Hatred-Cruelty-Intellectual Playfulness-Englishmen's Arguments-Manners-Private Theatricals-County Balls-Land ladies and Laundresses-Man and Bee. CONTENTS OF VOL. II.-The Jews of Western Europe-Arabian Nights-Greek Anthology-Ovid as a Satirist-Plautus-Translation at Cambridge-On a Translation of Tacitus-Professor Conington's HoraceProfessor Conington's Eneid - Hiawatha_Translated into Latin-Sir Kingston James' Tasso-M. Karcher's Rienzi-The Etching Club-Macaroneana, &c. These Essays are reprinted from the Saturday Review, Spectator, and other Journals. |