VOL. XI. No. 9.]

321]

TO THE

FREE AND INDEPENDENT ELECTORS

OF THE

CITY AND LIBERTIES OF WESTMINSTER. LETTER VII.

GENTLEMEN,

When, in the conclusion of my last letter to you (at page 204), I took the liberty to exhort you to remain, not only stedfast in your political principles, but unwearied in your perseverance to recover the complete enjoyment of the rights and liberties, for which our fathers so long, so gallantly, so virtuously, and so successfully struggled, I intended to leave the Sheridans to the animadversions of the public, and never again, at any rate, to make their conduct the subject of a letter to you; but, a recent decision in the House of Commons, touching the result of the late election for Westminster, in which decision your interest and honour are deeply concerned, has induced me to depart from this intention.

Upon the occasion here referred to, to wit, on the 20th instant, a motion was made for deferring the order, before made by the House, for taking into consideration your petition complaining of an undue election for your city; and, observe, that this motion was made by Mr. Sheridan himself. The day, which was fixed upon, by this once bold defier of you, was, the 14th of April, nearly two months after the time before fixed upon by the House. After some debate this motion was put to the vote, and, the House having divided, there appeared 167 for it, and 12 against it.

The grounds upon which this motion was made and supported, were, 1st, that Mr. Sheridan's Counsel would be upon the cir cuit, and, of course, unable to attend; and 2d, that, when the former postponement was agreed to by him, it was agreed to upon the condition, clearly understood, that a further postponement should take place on account of the circuit. That Mr. Sheridan should have set up a pretence like this, or

[322

any other pretence, by which the day of trial might be put off, is no matter of surprize; but, that Lord Howick, the famous parliamentary reformer, should have gone upon the same grounds, should have supported the motion, and should have called forth his majority to cause the delay to take place; this really is matter of surprize, especially when we consider, that, in the very recent instance of the petition from the county of Londonderry, this same Lord Howick (late Mr. Grey), backed by his friend and brother reformer, Mr. Whitbread, set their faces against even an hour's delay, though it was applied for upon fair and rea sonable grounds.

As to the pretence, that Mr. Sheridan's Counsel would be absent upon the circuit, it never was before, I believe, and certain I am that it never ought to be, listened to for

a moment, in such a case; for, if this were to become a precedent, to what time might not a ministerial member of parliament defer the consideration of a petition against him? The absence of counsel, from whatever cause, whether of sickness or any other, would, in such case, be a ground for post☀ ponement; and, thus, by the votes of the minister's majority, the electors of any place might remain unrepresented, might see the person, against whom they had voted, disposing of their money, and making laws to govern them, for years together. The circuit! What is the business of the circuit, compared with the subject of your petition? Besides, is it credible, Gentlemen, that, from all the counsellors at the bar, nearly six hundred in number, there could be any difficulty in selecting two, fully competent to the task, to attend a committee of the House; more especially when we consider, that Mr. Sheridan was so conscious of the innocence of himself and his agents, as to have treated your petition with ridicule? Was it for a man, conscious of the rectitude of his proceedings; a man who had set the complaint against him at defiance; and who had treated it with contempt and mockery; was it for such a man to beg for a delay of his trial,

upon the ground of apprehension that he might suffer from the want of counsel sufficiently acquainted with his case? You will have observed, too, gentlemen, that, in a defence, in a case of this sort, there can have been no preparation, at least of a legal kind. The defendant has yet to learn, if he be innocent, what are the facts which you have to produce against him. The two counsellors, therefore, whom he has employed, can, as yet, have taken no steps preparatory to the trial; and, of course, any other two counsellors, equally qualified in point of talent (and there are two hundred of such) would answer all his lawful purposes full as well as the two already employed, and now, unfortunately, upon the circuit, or going upon the circuit. You have alleged, in your petition that Mr. Sheridan's return to parliament was effected by bribery and corruption. If he be conscious of his innocence, what need has he of arrangements and preparations; and of what lawful kind can his preparations possibly be? He has, indeed, affected to believe, that your petition would not be persevered in; but, you, gentlemen, know as well as I, that not a word has fallen from any one connected with Mr. Paull, that could lead to such a belief; and, that, when the idea was, upon a former occasion thrown out, it was, without hesitation, positively 'contradicted by Lord Folkestone, to whom you and every independent man in the kingthe kingdom is so much indebted for his manly assertion of your rights, and whose having presented the petition was, of itself, a sufficient guarantee, that it would be steadily persevered in. If, therefore, between the 20th of December, when the petition was first presented, and the 24th of February, the time last fixed for taking it into consideration, Mr. Sheridan could not be ready with his defence, even without the aid of any counsellor at all, as little might he be expected to be prepared by the 14th of April. What, too, must be those proceedings, of which it requires so long a time to prepare a defence? Had Mr. Sheridan been the attacking party, and compelled to hunt after, and run down, evidence of such secret transactions as are generally connected with the arts of bribery and corruption, where, nine times out of ten, the guilty party is to be the source of information, there might have been some reason for delay; but, here, where the accused has nothing to seek for, and especially where innocence and purity are so vauntingly put forward, would it not he natural, that the party accused should Court inquiry, at as early a moment as possi

order to wipe off the stigma from his

character, and to convince the world, that the accusation was unjust? Compared with an object so desireable, what would have been the expence of feeing the two counsel not to go upon the circuit? For, though Mr. Sheridan might find such an expence inconvenient, there would, doubtless, have been no difficulty in raising the sum required, from the same source, whence was drawn, or rather, whence spontaneously flowed, the thirteen thousand pound subscription, lodged at the celebrated Davison's, for the purpose of carrying on Mr. Sheridan's election, and, of which subscription you will, I hope, never forget, that Mr. Whitbread was at the head. This former patriot, this zealous prosecutor of corruption, this reformer of parliament, is now, if the newspapers speak truth, occupied with a plan for reforming, not the House of Commons, but the people! That is the end, at which it now suits his purposes to begin! Instead of retrenching the enor mous sinecures and pensions, of which he formerly complained; instead of endeavouring to lessen those taxes, which are the cause, and the sole cause, of the fearful and deplorable increase of paupers; instead of proposing any measure by which might be saved the ten thousand pounds a year, which the Sheridans draw from the labour of the people; instead of measures of this sort, he proposes schools and badges for the poor. They cry for bread, and he would give them a primmer: they ask for freedom, and he would give them a badge. would give them a badge. Never, Gentle men, let us lose sight of this man. He has been, and he is, our worst enemy; as it is usual with apostates to be the most malicious persecutors.- -As to the 2d ground, upon which the aforementioned motion of Mr. Sheridan was made and supported, namely, that, when the former postponement was agreed to by him, it was clearly understood, that a further postponement should take place on account of the circuit, nothing ever was more unfounded. The fact was, as stated by Lord Folkestone in this last debate, that Mr. Sheridan could, with difficulty, be brought to consent to any delay at all; what he said about the circuit was this: that, if the delay, then proposed, took place, the consideration of the petition would come on just at the time when the counsellors were all going upon the circuit, and that he sup posed, the petitioners would then apply for a further postponement, as a decent way of letting the matter drop. Peter Moore (don't laugh, Gentlemen!); Peter Moore, the chairman of Mr. Sheridan's famed committhe man who was selected as the fit in

tee;

and,

strument to publish a private and garbled

correspondence; this man is, by the newspapers, said to have observed, that he clearly understood, that a further postponement, on account of the circuit, was agreed upon; and that, if that had not been the case, he should have advised his " Right Honour

able" Friend not to consent to the former postponement. Now, Gentlemen, this is the very man who so stretched his throat at the hustings and the dinners in extolling the purity of the proceedings of his party; and who had the impudence to assert, that, on the part of Mr. Paull, there were hundreds of bad votes! Who, that knew nothing of the man, would not suppose, that he would have panted for the moment, when, as nominee, or member of parliament, he might have scouted your complaints, and repaid you, in part, at least, for the contempt and scorn which you bestowed upon him? Patient Gentleman! He is willing to wait for the day of retribution with as much resignation as he waits for a place, even though his fellow labourer, Sir Philip Francis, (who, after having, by all the secret means in his power, urged Mr. Paull on to the prosecution of Lord Wellesley, went to Covent Garden, on the very first day of the election, and gave his vote against him) has got both a place and a ribbon. The proclamations, which, upon backs of letters, Sir Philip had prepared for his faithful and loyal people of Buenos Ayres, he may now tie up in his red ribbon, and lay them by upon some dry shelf; and, if he pleases, he may clap himself down by the side of them; but, as for Peter Moore, he has not yet done with us; and, I do hope, that we have not yet done with him.- -With regard to the real motives from which this further delay has been moved for and supported, they will, I hope, : be made manifest to the world in a very few days; and, if I am disappointed in this hope, Mr. Paull will, upon this occasion, have less spirit, than, upon all other occasions, he has discovered. But, without waiting for any developement as to probable motives, there is one fact, which, if I be correctly informed with respect to it, will, of itself, account for such great anxiety for procuring delay; and, that is, that it is intended to proroguc the parliament some time in the month of May. If this should be the case, and, as there are no tax-bills to pass, I do not see why it should not, the delay is, at once, sufficiently accounted for; because, then, it will be next to impossible, if the prorogation take place early in the month, for the petition to be decided on during this session of parliament. But, if this should so turn out, what shall we say of the part, which, accord

ing to the newspaper reports, my Lord Howick has acted? He, who, at the beginning of the session, would not admit of a moment's delay in such cases; and who, even while he is supporting this motion, is made to say, that it is an extremely delicate thing to keep back decisions on such points? There was, indeed, a time, my Lord Howick, when the epithet delicate would not have been applied to it. There was a time, my lord, when you would not, in such terms, have spoken of such an act. Yes, Gentlemen, there was such a time, but that time is passed, never to return. Lord Howick will never again be the champion of the rights of the people.

Having now, Gentlemen, submitted to you all that I think it necessary to trouble you with, upon this subject, until, perhaps, some further proceedings in your case shall have taken place, I shall, for the present, conclude with earnestly exhorting you to bear in mind the injuries and insults you have received from our enemies; to remember those enemies by name; to count them over frequently, one by one; to ascertain, if possible, who were the persons that were most conspicuously hostile to you during the election; and, all this, that you may never, on any account, be induced to trust them again. Persevere, in the name of your country and your children I beseech you to persevere in your applications for redress; petition, even now, that the meditated delay may be shortened; neglect nothing; act as if the life of each individual of you was at stake; for, upon the issue of this contest, all that is dear in the life of a free and independent man will depend. With those sentiments of regard and respect, which your conduct during the recent election impressed upon my mind,

Feb. 24, 1807.

I remain,

Gentlemen,

Your faithful friend,
And obedient servant,
WM. COBBETT.

P. S. Since the above letter was written, the following Petition has been presented to the House of Commons, by Lord Folkestone, on the part of Mr. Paull: “The humble "Petition of James Paull, Esq. one of the "Candidates to represent the City of West"minster at the late Election for Members "of Parliament to serve for the said City,

Sheweth, That at the said Election the Right Honourable Richard Brinsley She"ridan was returned a member to serve in "parliament for the said city-That your Petitioner presented a Petition to "this Honourable House, ugainst the Re

thought fit, at the instance of the said R. "B. Sheridan, to postpone the consideration "of the said Petition until the 14th day of "April now next ensuing.- -That your "Petitioner has lately discovered that the

said R. B. Sheridan, in defiance of the standing Orders of this House, and to the "manifest subversion of every principle of & justice, has, by divers nefarious ways and * means, tampered with and endeavoured to

corrupt, and has attempted to persuade *and to deter and hinder, certain personS

whom your Petitioner intended and still "intends to examine, and who are and will "be material witnesses upon the trial of the "said Petition, from appearing on the day

when the said Petition shall be heard, and, from giving their unbiassed, or any, testimony on behalf of your Petitioner, and against the said R. B. Sheridan.

That one Wm. Drake was and still is a "material witness summoned on behalf of your petitioner, and that the said Wm. "Drake having, on or about the 10th day

of this instant February, informed the " said R. B. Sheridan, that he had been so summoned, and having inquired of him "the course he was to pursue, the said "R. B. Sheridan told him to leave that "business to him, that he would procure "him a situation abroad, and would also provide for the father of the said Wm. Drake, and added, that the said Wm. Drake might have any money he pleased, "and wished the said Wm. Drake to keep out "of the way, and endeavoured to persuade "the said Wm. Drake not to give, and to intimidate, and deter, and hinder him from giving complete and unbiassed testimony before the Select Committee of "the facts known to him relative to the said election, and did offer to give money to the said Wm. Drake for him to pro6: cure for the said R. B. Sheridan a certain letter, in the possession of one Emanuel "Harris, and which letter the said Ema

"Drake money, and a situation of profit, "with the same view, and did likewise,

one

on the last-mentioned day, endeavour to persuade one Thomas Weatherhead, not "to give an unbiassed testimony on the "trial of the said petition. And that one"Alex. Johnstone, one Frederic Homan, Edwards, and divers others "the agents and partizans of the said R. B. "Sheridan, did also tamper with the said "Wm. Drake, and endeavour to persuade "and to deter, and to hinder him from giv"ing his unbiassed testimony before the said committee; and that the said Alex. Johnstone and Frederic Homan did also en"deavour to persuade and induce the said "Wm. Drake to procure the aforesaid let"ter from the said Emanuel Harris-That "the said R. B. Sheridan, by one Henry "Burgess, one James Wallace, and one "John Gallant, and divers others his agents "and partizans, did also tamper with divess "other witnesses summoned by your pet"tioner to give testimony on his behalf: "and in particular that the said James "Wallace and John Gailant did inform one "Wm. Sperring, one Wm. Warren, one

Jeremiah James, one John Pullen, one "Daniel Richardson, one John Balam, and "one Christopher Richardson, whom he "knew had been so summoned, that it

66

was intended to move this honourable "house to postpone the consideration of "the said petition until a future day, by "which means the orders to attend the "said committee, with which they had "been served, would be invalid and of no 66 use; and that if it were postponed but "for one day there would be time for them "all to get out of the way to avoid their being "served a second time, and added, that "when they had succeeded in putting it "off, each person should have money to go "out of the way to prevent his being "summoned; and your petitioner has been "informed and verily believes that the said "William Sperring, Daniel Richardson, "and William Warren are now out of the "way, and have been pursuaded and in"duced so to do by the means aforesaid."That the said R. B. Sheridan, and the "several persons, agents, and partizans, "aforesaid, with divers others, have con

spired together, in manner aforesaid, and "in divers other ways, for the purpose depriving your petitioner of his just " right, and preventing him from establishing by his witnesses before a committee "of your Honourable House, his claim to represent the said City of Westminster, "All which transactions of the said R. B.

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Sheridan, his agents, and partizans, are, "to the great injury of your petitioner, in "manifest violation of the standing "orders of this Honourable House, in de"fiance of justice, in breach of the law, "and to the utter destruction of equal "trial. Your petitioner therefore prays that "he may be permitted to prove the facts "above stated, at the bar of this Honoura"ble House, that he may be heard by his "counsel at the bar, and that this Honoura"ble House will take its witnesses under its "protection, and give such reliet as in justice shall to this Honourable House seem fit. And your petitioner shall ever pray, &c."JAMES PAULL-London, Feb. 25, 1807.

Upon this there requires no comment. The honest part of mankind has only to read it, or hear it. On the proceedings in the House upon this occasion, as well as upon the former division, some remarks shall be offered in my next.

SUMMARY OF POLITICS. PROCEEDINGS IN FARLIAMENT. (Continued from page 295)-I. Finance Plan. 11. Barrack Abuses. III. Westminster Election. IV. Sugar Trade. V. Poor Laws. -I. Upon the FINANCE PLAN there have been several debates. On the 12th instant, Lord Castlereagh, at the close of a very long speech, in which he expressed his disapprobation of the new plan of the ministers, and in which he asserted, that the said plan, if persevered in, would ruin the country, moved no less than ten resolutions of his own, which resolutions will, in their proper place, be found in the Parliamentary Debates. Before men argue, they should, if possible, come to a perfect understanding as to the meaning of the words, expressive of the thing, upon which they are about to argue. For the want of this preliminary step, upon the occasion referred to, the reader of the debates in question is at great loss to form his opinion as to the consequences of the plan; for, we are not precisely informed, nor is it very easy for us to guess, what my Lord Castlereagh may mean by the words national ruin. These words our ancestors would have applied to a state of things, in which one-seventh part of the people were paupers; in which the poor rates levied upon the land amounted, upon an average, to twice the rack rent of the land; in which the tax upon the land was put up to public sale, part of every man's land being thus taken from him, while entails were broken in upon, and while part of the real property of the Church was alienated for ever; in which

every article of the necessaries of life was loaded with taxes; and in which a system. of excise, with all its spies and informers, left no man's house for one hour safe from official invasion; in which every man was compelled to pay to the one-tenth part of his annual income, the man who had no income but what arose from an annuity for life, or from his labour, being obliged to contribute therefrom in the same proportion as a man whose income arose from a freehold estate, and, such being the regulations of the impost, that the taxers were authorised to impose upon each man a sum according to their pleasure, he being obliged to pay first and to appeal afterwards, being forbidden to call to his assistance any attorney or person learned in the law, and his appeal, in the last resort, being to the Judges alone, and not to a jury, and even to those Judges no other representation of his being permitted to be made, than that made by the taxers themselves. If such a state of things internal had been described to our forefathers, and, if, in addition thereunto, they had been told, that France had possessed herself of absolute sway in every country bordering upon the European seas, and that a large body of foreign troops were stationed in the heart of England, under the command of foreign officers; if such a state of things had been described to our forefathers, would they not have laughed in the face of a man, who should have expressed his apprehensions of approaching national ruin; and, especially, if those apprehensions arose from the adoption of a plan of finance, which would put, for the present, at least, a stop to the increasing progress of taxation? Ruin to the stockholders may yet come, and come it will; run to placemen and pensioners and sycophants and jobbers and peculators and nabobs may, and will, come; much confusion, and much suffering to many, may come; and, it is possible, that, from without, the lash of absolute personal slavery may reach us; but, as to general internal national ruin, it is, in my opinion, impossible that it can be more complete than it now is. Therefore, while I have, upon this score, no apprehensions for the future, I heartily thank the ministers for having given us, not relie (that is yet to come, and must come) but a pause in the progress of taxation.— -On the 16th instant a long debate took place upon the Resolutions for the new plan, which were passed, without a division, and agreed to, in a committee of the whole house. On the 19th instant, after another debate, leave was given to bring in bills agreeably to the resoIutions, which resolutions will be inserted in my next number, together, indeed, if I can