who concluded the debate, went over his old gronad; and, Mr. Malhus, the check-popu lation philosopher, having, upon a former occasion, been quoted as an authority in favour of negro-slavery Mr. Wilberforce said, that it happened, that he had had a conversation with that gentleman only ten minutes before he entered the House; and that he had declared, that his meaning had been misunderstood, and that he had just prepared á short appendix to his work, in order to explain his ideas upon the subject; whence was drawn an inference by Mr. Wilberforce, that, if Pliny and others had had a like opportunity, they would have explained themselves too, and disclaimed the doctrines imputed to them. For my part, I have ever considered the check-population philosopher as a defender of negro slavery; and, it is very probable, that the best explanation he could have given would be merely this: " when I 66 66 wrote my book the ministry were opposed to the abolition of the slave trade; now "the ministry are for the abolition; and, if Pliny were here, and wanted a snug place or pension, he would be for the abolition "too."Mr. Wilberforce concluded, as the reporter informs us, with the following comp iment to the juvenile aristocracy, “the "rising hope of the country," as Mr. Sheridan styled Lord Barrymore and his associates at the Westminster Election. "The Ho"nourable Gentleman," says the Reporter, pronounced an elegant eulogium upon the display of character and talent which the "House had this night witnessed on the side "of humanity and justice, particularly on "the part of the younger members; whose "lofty and liberal sentiments recommended "and enforced by the elevation of their “ rank, and the purity of their form, must "tend to produce the happ est effects upon "all classes of the community. Such au "indication of mind and feeling must afford gratification to any reflecting man, and "diffuse the most salutary lessons throughout the country; must shew to the people, that their legislators, and especially "the higher order of their youths, were for"ward to assert the rights of the weak 66 against the strong; to vindicate the cause "of the oppressed, and that where a prac "tice was found to prevail, inconsistent with humanity and justice, no consideration of "profit could reconcile them to its conti"nuation."--In the first place, Mr. Wilberforce, I do not believe, that those youths of "pure form" have any profit at stake in the abolition of the Slave Trade; and, nothing can be more easy, or more common, than to express and act upon lofty sentiments of generosity, at other people's expence; as in the case, for instance, of the late parliament making the insulted people of this country pay the debts of Pitt, and that, too, observe, when the principal creditors were members of that same parliament; and in which act of sublime generosity you, too, had your share. But, Sir, is there no case of oppression to be found without going to the West Indies for it? Cannot these lofty minded youths find any other instance, in which they can convey a salutary less on to the country? What think you of the Income Tax, Sir? This is a tax, which takes by means the most inquisitorial, ten pounds from every hundred of a man's income, from whatsoever source that income may arise, and, in its operation, it extends so low as to reach an income of fifty pounds a year. Thus, you, whose income arises from land, pay ten pounds in the hundred upon the reat of your land, and my neighbour, who is a carpenter, pays ten pounds in the hundred upon the fruit of his labour. “Well," you will say, perhaps, "I pay according to my large income and he according to his "small income." But, Sir, the difference, the wide difference, is this; your's is a freehold estate that will descend unimpaired to your children, while his earnings must cease with his life, and even with his health. With you it is a tax upon interest; with him it is a tax upon capital. To obviate the effect of any confusion of ideas which a crafty statement might produce respecting the rise which such tax produces in the price of labour and in the profit of the tradesman, I shall suppose the case of a life-hold estate. You pay ten pounds a year out of the rent of an estate of a hundred pounds a year in perpetuity; and the same is paid by the man who bas such an estate only for his life. Your children will still possess the whole of your estate after your death; but, the children of the man of life-hold estate are not only left without such estate; but are deprived of the tenth part of the income, which might have been saved for them, during the life of their father. The case of officers in the army is still more obviously hard. Suppose an offcer, no matter what his rank, has a wife and children. If he die not of wounds received in battle, there is, I believe, no provi sion made for either wife or children; and, at any rate, the allowance is so small as to be scarcely sufficient to support life. Yet this man, out of his scanty pay, which is merely for life, is compelled to contribute in as great a proportion as you contribute from the mere annual rent of your freehold estate. There is another case, which I will that bribery and corruption, which, as he and you asserted, were the principal cause of all the wickedness and misery existing in the country. How many a man has counted the death watch in the solitary dungeons of the Cold-Bath Fields prison for having endeavoured to accomplish what you and Mr. Pitt represented as necessary to the very existence of the nation! They were not negroes, to be sure; they were of our own skin and our own country; but, were, merely for those reasons, not objects of humanity! But, Sir, I will quit the subject for the present, and revive it when I come to speak of that famous philanthropic esta blishment, the colony of Sierra Leone, which the philanthropists, now that they find that no money is to be gained by the speculation, are desirous of turning over to the unfortunate nation.--Addressing myself, as I now do, to the philanthropists by trade, out of doors, I must confess, that, amongst all the evils that I apprehend from the abolition of the Slave Trade, 1 do perceive one great and solid good; namely, that there will now be an end to their cant; that the ground-work of their delusions, of their base and hateful hypocrisy, will now be removed; and that, like the hired" An not suppose, because I know, and I feel its existence. A man, who has, till lately, been a day-labourer from the earliest of his working days; who was married about twenty years ago; who, unenlightened by the check population philosophy of your friend Mr. Malthus, has had fourteen children, has now ten alive, and has never, in his life, received aid from the parish, though, until within these six years, he has never had any thing but the fruit of his bare labour whereon to subsist; this man, who, by the assistance of a friend, now occupies a sali torm, is just beginning to taste the reward of his laborious and virtuous life; is just begining to look beyond the means of mere existence, and to raise his hopes to the providing of some little store against the day when it may please God to take him from his numerous and affectionate offspring; this man, Mr. Wilberforce, who has always worked hard, still works harder, and, until very lately, has always lived harder, than any of the sooty objects of your philanthropy; this man, the moment he begins to rise above mere misery, is served with bundles of inquisitorial papers; is compelled to render a strict account of his gettings; and, when he comes to sit down at the close of the day, with a room full of children, the youngest of whom is upon his knee, perhaps he has to perform the mortifying and luminating task of putting his own hand to the deed which takes from him one tenth part of those gettings, while he knows that men of freehold estate, like you, pay only in the same proportion out of their annual rents. Here were a case, Sir, for the exercise of humanity and jus-munity, they are no more than so many tice; here were a case, indeed, for the youth of lofty sentiments of generosity to stand forward to "assert the rights of the "weak against the strong, to vindicate the cause of the oppressed, to set at nought profit when opposed to justice and huma"nity." But, though I know well, that there are some few of the youths of high rank, who see these matters in the same light that I do, they are not amongst those who talk so much about humanity and justice, and whose ardent minds ramble in search of objects to the other side of the Atlantic. And, as to you, Sir, did you not assist in making the law which imposed the tax upon income? Yes; nor do I recollect that, you opposed; nay, I know that you supported, the laws for silencing parliamenttary reformers, though you yourself had, in conjunction with Pitt, led the way in demandi teform of the parliament, as s of putting a stop to 66 ti-jacobins," they must now starve, or seek for some honester means of procuring alivelihood. That they may, indeed, like the above said " loyal" persons, endeavour to keep up the notion of the still-existing object of their hostility, is possible; but, the imposture will soon become too glaring not to be detected by every man of common sense; and, as to the ideot part of the com flies in the producing of political effects ---IV. With respect to Lord Wellesley, it was, in a former sheet of this volume, observed, that Si Thomas Turton had given notice of a motion for the Carnatic Papers, which had betore, in the year 1802, been moved for and afterwards printed upon the motion of Mr. Sheridan, at an expence to the public of many hundreds of pounds, that gentleman having given a solemn pledge, that, unless the then ministry took the matter up, in such a way as to wipe off from the nation the stigma of having approved of the measures which led to the untimely death of the deposed Nabob, he would so take it up. On the 26th of last month, the motion was made by Sir Thomas Turton, who paid some very high com pliments to Lord Wellesley and Mr. Sheri dan, which the latter returned, and which, taken all together, may enable us to guess at what will be the result of this inquiry, Sir John Anstruther did not like to suffer the characters of the executive officers in India to be complimented away by the prabe which Sir Thomas and Mr. Sheridan had bestowed upon each other. He said the Court of Directors had approved of the revolution in the Carnatic; and deprecated the revival of old charges, many of the mischiefs resulting from which he himself had witnessed in India; alluding, perchance, to the charges against Mr. Hastings, in the prosecution of whom he was a most active manager, a fact of which Mr. Robert Thornton did not fail to remind him. Mr. Grant and Mr. Thornton contended, that the Court of Directors never approved of the revolution in the Carnatic; and they truly contended.Sir Arthur Wellesley said, that this House had, by a law, approved of the whole transaction. This was one of Pitt's old sweeping arguments. Mr. Tierney, the famous reformer of abuses, lamented that the subject had now been brought forward, as he could see no good that it would produce; and much mischief might arise from holding out hopes of a transfer of property; that is to say, of restoring the property to those, from whom, by the revolution, it had been taken. What an excellent argument for the revolutionists in France, and in all other countries! What a complete quencher for all those, who talk of the injustice and rapacity of Napoleon! -Lord Folkestone contended, that blame lay somewhere, and that, as to the stating precisely, in this stage of the inquiry, the nature of the charge (a statement which had been urgently pressed upon Sir Thomas Turton), it was not possible to make it, until the whole of the papers had been examined.- The " Right Honourable" Hiley Addington, said, that the quantity of papers moved for relative to India Affairs, within the last year, surpassed in bulk all the papers moved for, relative to those affairs, for the six years preceding; a fact which he thought necessary (but for what reason he did not say) to state to Sir Thomas Turtou, whom, he was pleased to say, he really did sincerely acquit of being actuated by any motives of party or of vanity!" Mr. S. Stanhope thought it a most extraordinary mode of opposing the hon, baronet's motion, by refusing to assent to the production of the papers called for, until the object had been distinctly stated, which object the papers "in question were alone to ascertam. He complained of a radical defect in the 46 pre sent state of the government in India, and sincerely believed that more governments "had been subverted by it in the East, thun 66 diligence and perseverance. As to the " voluminous papers with which he had "been threatened from the other side, if "such papers contributed in the least to the "defence of the accused, he himself should gladly second the motion for their produc tion. He had been urged to state distinctly the object of his motion; it was impossible to state, in a case of such magni"tude, on whom the evidence found in "these papers might especially bear; and "it was, therefore, in the present stage of "the business, impossible for him distinctly 66 66 to pledge himself, further than avowing "it as his intention to submit a motion committing the House to a censure of the East "India Company, or its servants, in the assumption of the government of the Car"natic. The hon. baronet concluded with an appeal to the feelings of the House, in which he alluded to die melancholy fate of the deposed Prince, who, he could prove, had perished in a dungeon."Mr. Fuller said a few words, expressive of some surprize that Mr. Sheridan did not speak on this subject-"WHAT! IS MORALITY DUMB TOO!" "He wished these matters to be referred to a judicial tribunal, instead of being discussed in a popular assembly, where it was subject to "the prejudice of parties."- "Mr. She"ridan said a few words, and observed that' "the hon. gentleman who alluded to him "had been a little precipitate in accusing "him of being culpably silent on this oc"casion, because he had spoken upon it "before the hon. member happened to be "in the house. As to the death of the "Nabob of the Carnatic, he never meant "to impute to the Marquis of Wellesley any "share in that event; but he had no hesi"tation in saying he had his firm belief that "the young Prince did not die a natural death."Well; but, with all these fine sentiments about humanity and justice and nati nal character, the papes have lain dorment before the House of Commons, ever since the month of July or August 1803, an order for their production having been made, upon the motion of Mr. Sheridan, more than a year before that, at which time the facts of the revolution were, by him, fully stated to the House, who were told, that, until a strict inquiry took place, and until justice was done, there would remain a foul stain upon the national character! ve years is a tolerable while for a nation to 1inain quiet under such a stain, especially when it has so many honourable and even right honourable gentlemen to take care of Chronicle and other papers, which, upon all D', the truth is, they have been so costantly occupied with weightier matters; with volunteer corps, of one of which Mr. baridan, aided by Major Downs, the uneaker, is colonel; with car projects; with catamatau projects; with parish bilis and military and finance plans; with laying on taxes: and with inveighing, in strains so indignant, against the insatiable ambition, the grasping rapacity, and the remorseless cruelty of Buonaparte, that they seem to have quite forgotten the the poor Nabob of the Carnatic! Land we the gods, that their memory has now been efreshed, and that, too, by a gentleman, whom Mr. Hiley Addington does really acquit of being actuated by any motive of “ party or of canity !”- V. The transactions relating to the Westminster Election are of great importance. On Thursday, the 20th of last month, the petition, insered in my last, was presented to the House of Cammons by Lord Folkestone. On the 27th, another petition was presented by Mr. Biddulph, from the independent, the public-spirited, and every way excellent electors of the liberty of St. Martin Le Grand, who complained, in language most indignant, of the delay, which, upon the motion of Mr. Sheridan himself, had been ordered to take place with respect to the consideration of the petition against his return. Since that, witnesses have been examined at the bar, relative to the charges alledged in Mr. Paul's last petition. The result, as far as it can be known, is as well known to the reader as to myself; and, the observations which I intend to make upon the evidence, as well as upon the conduct of the parties, must be reserved until I shall be in possession of the minutes of that evidence, as taken down and printed by the order of the House; because, upon any other statement of that evidence it would be unfair to comment; and because, until the whole of the proceedings are closed, it would be neither just nor prudent to offer any commentary upon any part of it. There have, however, appeared, in the Morning " have a very strong desire to overcome his enemies, and who must have felt a still closer interest than I could have felt, should view the circumstances in question in the same light that I should have viewed them. Now, as to the general character of Mr. Paull and of Mr. Powell too, as far, at least, as relates to transactions of the kind here spoken of, I am tolerably competent to speak. By turning to page $14 of the foregoing volume of the Register, the reader will perceive, that I there explicitly declared, that, from that moment, I would take, personally, no further part, in the Westminster contest. I dissapproved of any proceedings with a view of recovering the seat, though I was, in my own mind, fully convinced that Mr. Paull was entitled to it. At the time when I expressed my disapprobation, I adverted to a speech of Mr. Sheridan, as reported in DEBLLTT'S Debates under the date of the 26th of August, 1797, where he is represented to have said, that "he could show him (Lord Hawkesbury) that "the proprietors of boroughs had acted upon a system that must be cut up by the roots, or this country could not stand. "He would say, that they had bought 66 46 boroughs, and afterwards voted away the money and the rights of the people, as if "both had been their absolute property. "That there had been a man in that House who had seven or eight seats in it; that <he was connected with the minister, and "that, without one foot of land in Ireland, "he was made an Irish peer. He could "show him persons, who could not, in“deed, buy men and sell them, because "that was not yet to be done; but, who bought and sold boroughs, and with "them bought and sold the dearest interests of the people.”- -After adverting to this passage, which had first been published in the news-papers and afterwards in a book, I gave my reasons, which it would be quite unnecessary to state here, for exhorting Mr. Paull to remain content with "the post "of honour." Other persons were, however, of a different opinion; and, as I was fully convinced that the cause was just, I did, when it had been once undertaken, heartily wish it success; but, to good wishes my domestic arrangements for the winter necessarily led me to confine myself, and, I have known, and do still know, very little more of the transactions relating to the petition than what has reached me through those respectable vehicles, the London daily news-papers. But, of the conduct of both Mr. Paull and Mr. Powell, during the election, a season, when, if ever, one would This think, men in their then situation would have been tempted to swerve from the path of morality, I was well acquainted with all they did, and their conduct was such as to convince me, that, into whatever acts of imprudence the former might, by the warmth of his temper, be, at any time hurried, they were both perfectly honourable men. Many were the instances, in which, upon the condition of paying a guinea or two, Mr. Paull was offered a number of votes. Every such offer he rejected; writing to some such offerers, and verbally declaring to others, that he would never give a farthing for the vote of any man; that he was resolved to stand or fall by the free and unbiased choice of the people, to whom he had tendered his services was his uniform conduct. There was no ostentation in it It was next to impossible to disguise any thing from me, who was in his house during the whole of the election, and without whose knowledge no transaction of any importance could have taken place. One particular instance of his conduct will serve to illustrate his character, as connectedwith such matters. Amongst the persons, who, upon the issuing of his first advertisement, came flocking round him with voluntary offers of service, was one who testified uncommon zeal, and who, in a short time, brought him lists of hundreds of promised votes. In a few days, however, it appeared that this man was a common informer. When we received the first intimation of this, I really thought Mr. Paull would have dropped upon the floor. Cobbett," said he, " I am sick at the thought of this ;" and he would actually have given an immediate order, that the canvassing book should be taken from the man, and that he should be forbidden to come again to the room of his committee, had I not remonstrated against this precipitate step as likely unnecessarily to throw this active man into the service of our enemies. "In the accepting of the voluntary services of common informers," said 1, "you will still keep at a due distance behind the pious "members of the society for the Suppres "sion of Vice, as also behind the laws for "the detection of frauds upon the revenue." We did, however, take care to have no more to do with the man. We got rid of him by an intermediate hint; and I do not believe that he attempted to do us any harm, 66 66 66 -So scrupulous as this was Mr. Paul), So perfectly honourable! -What I have said of him I also say of Mr. Powell, wlo was a partner in all our councils, and whose heart, I am convinced, is as pure |