Washington at
Cambridge.

WASHINGTON'S LETTER TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS, ON HIS ARRIVAL AT CAMBRIDGE TO TAKE COMMAND OF THE ARMY.

SIR,

CAMP AT CAMBRIDGE July 10, 1775.

I arrived safe at this Place on the 3d inst., after a Journey attended with a good deal of Fatigue, and retarded by necessary Attentions to the successive Civilities which accompanied me in my whole Rout. Upon my arrival, I immediately visited the several Posts occupied by our Troops, and as soon as the Weather permitted, reconnoitred those of the Enemy. I found the latter strongly entrench'd on Bunker's Hill about a Mile from Charlestown, and advanced about half a Mile from the Place of the last Action, with their Centries extended about 150 Yards on this side of the narrowest Part of the Neck leading from this Place to Charlestown; 3 floating Batteries lay in Mystick River, near their camp; and one 20 Gun Ship below the Ferry Place between Boston and Charlestown. They have also a Battery on Copse Hill, on the Boston side, which much annoyed our Troops in the late attack. Upon the Neck, they are also deeply entrenched and strongly fortified. Their advanced Guards 'till last Saturday morning, occupied Brown's Houses, about a mile from Roxbury Meeting House and 20 roods from their Lines: But at that Time a Party from General Thomas's Camp surprized the Guard, drove them in and burnt the houses. The Bulk of their Army commanded by Genl. Howe, lays on Bunker's Hill, and the Remainder on Roxbury Neck, except the Light Horse, and a few Men in the Town of Boston. On our side we have thrown up Intrenchments on Winter and Prospect Hills, the Enemies camp in full View at the Distance of little more than a Mile. Such intermediate Points, as would admit a Landing, I have

they cannot hire," a matter of some delay and difficulty, as on the 5th the same committee was ordered to "complete the business." General Washington arrived in Cambridge on Sunday, July 2, about two o'clock in the afternoon. The first of the general orders issued is dated July 3. On the 5th the Provincial Congress appointed some of its members to confer with Washington "on the subject of furnishing his table and know what he expects relative thereto." Some question may have been raised on the general acceptableness of the President's house for Washington's purposes, as on the 6th the Congress directed the Committee of Safety to "desire General Washington to let them know if there is any house at Cambridge that would be more agreeable to him and General Lee than that in which they now are; and in that case the said Committee are directed to procure such house and put it in proper order for their reception." The general thought a change expedient, and on the 8th the Committee of Safety directed that the house of John Vassall, subsequently known as the "Craigie house," belonging to a refugee loyalist, should be immediately put in a proper condition for the reception of his excellency and his attendants. The student is referred to further notes in Ford's edition of Washington's Writings, vol. iii.; also to the Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society, September, 1872.

OLD SOUTH LEAFLETS, GENERAL SERIES.

12.

No. 1. The Constitution of the United States. 2. The Articles of Confederation. 3. The Declaration of Independence. 4. Washington's Farewell Address. 5. Magna Charta. 6. Vane's "Healing Question." 7. Charter of Massachusetts Bay, 1629. 8. Fundamental Orders of Connecticut, 1638. 9. Franklin's Plan of Union, 1754. 10. Washington's Inaugurals. II. Lincoln's Inaugurals and Emancipation Proclamation. The Federalist, Nos. 1 and 2. 13. The Ordinance of 1787. 14. The Constitution of Ohio. 15. Washington's Circular Letter to the Governors of the States, 1783. 16. Washington's Letter to Benjamin Harrison, 1784. 17. Verrazzano's Voyage. 18. The Swiss Constitution. 19. The Bill of Rights, 1689. 20. Coronado's Letter to Mendoza, 1540. 21. John Eliot's Brief Narrative of Work among the Indians, 1670. 22. Wheelock's Narrative of the Founding of his Indian School, 1762. 23. The Petition of Right, 1628. 24. The Grand Remonstrance, 1641. 25. The Scottish National Covenants. 26. The Agreement of the People, 1648-9. 27. The Instrument of Government, 1653. 28. Cromwell's First Speech to his Parliament, 1653. 29. The Discovery of America, from the Life of Columbus by his son, Ferdinand Columbus. 30. Strabo's Introduction to Geography. 31. The Voyages to Vinland, from the Saga of Eric the Red. 32. Marco Polo's Account of Japan and Java. 33. Columbus's Letter to Gabriel Sanches, describing the First Voyage and Discovery. 34. Americus Vespucius's Account of his First Voyage. 35. Cortes's Account of the City of Mexico. 36. The Death of De Soto, from the "Narrative of a Gentleman of Elvas." 37. Early Notices of the Voyages of the Cabots. 38. General Henry Lee's Funeral Oration on Washington, 39. Cabeza De Vaca's Relation of his Journey across Texas and New Mexico in 1535 40 Manasseh Cutler's Description of Ohio, 1787. 41. Washington's Journal of his Tour to the Ohio River in 1770. 42. Gen. Garfield's Address on the Organization of the North-west Territory and the Settlement of the Western Reserve. 43. George Rogers Clark's Account of his Capture of Vincennes. 44. Jefferson's Life of Captain Meriwether Lewis. 45. Fremont's Account of the First Ascent of Fremont's Peak. 46. Marquette's Account of his Explorations about Chicago, 1673. 47. Washington's Account of taking Command of the Army, 1775.

1799.

PUBLISHED BY

THE DIRECTORS OF THE OLD SOUTH WORK,

Washington's Letters on the

Constitution.

To JOHN JAY, August 1, 1786.

Your sentiments, that our affairs are drawing rapidly to a crisis, accord with my own. What the event will be, is also beyond the reach of my foresight. We have errors to correct. We have probably had too good an opinion of human nature in forming our confederation. Experience has taught us that men will not adopt and carry into execution measures the best calculated for their own good, without the intervention of a coercive power. I do not conceive we can exist long as a nation without having lodged somewhere a power, which will pervade the whole Union in as energetic a manner as the authority of the State governments extends over the several States.

To be fearful of investing Congress, constituted as that body is, with ample authorities for national purposes, appears to me the very climax of popular absurdity and madness. Could Congress exert them for the detriment of the public, without injuring themselves in an equal or greater proportion? Are not their interests inseparably connected with those of their constituents? By the rotation of appointment, must they not mingle frequently with the mass of citizens? Is it not rather to be apprehended, if they were possessed of the powers before described, that the individual members would be induced to use them, on many occasions, very timidly and inefficaciously for fear of losing their popularity and future election? We must take human nature as we find it. Perfection falls not to the share of mortals. Many are of opinion that Congress have too frequently made use of the suppliant, humble tone of requisition in applications to the States, when they had a right

to assert their imperial dignity and command obedience. Be that as it may, requisitions are a perfect nullity where thirteen sovereign, independent, disunited States are in the habit of discussing and refusing compliance with them at their option. Requisitions are actually little better than a jest and a by-word throughout the land. If you tell the legislatures they have violated the treaty of peace, and invaded the prerogatives of the confederacy, they will laugh in your face. What then is to

It

be done? Things cannot go on in the same train forever. is much to be feared, as you observe, that the better kind of people, being disgusted with the circumstances, will have their minds prepared for any revolution whatever. We are apt to run from one extreme into another. To anticipate and prevent disastrous contingencies would be the part of wisdom and patriotism.

What astonishing changes a few years are capable of producing. I am told that even respectable characters speak of a monarchical form of government without horror. From thinking proceeds speaking; thence to acting is often but a single step. But how irrevocable and tremendous! What a triumph for our enemies to verify their predictions! What a triumph for the advocates of despotism to find that we are incapable of governing ourselves, and that systems founded on the basis of equal liberty are merely ideal and fallacious! Would to God, that wise measures may be taken in time to avert the consequences we have but too much reason to apprehend.

Retired as I am from the world, I frankly acknowledge I cannot feel myself an unconcerned spectator. Yet, having happily assisted in bringing the ship into port, and having been fairly discharged, it is not my business to embark again on a sea of troubles. Nor could it be expected that my sentiments and opinions would have much weight on the minds of my countrymen. They have been neglected, though given as a last legacy in the most solemn manner. I had then perhaps some claims to public attention. I consider myself as having none at present.

TO JAMES MADISON, November 5, 1786.

Fain would I hope that the great and most important of all subjects, the federal government, may be considered with that calm and deliberate attention, which the magnitude of it so