make such a charge against independent | forming a new administration, and theremembers of parliament, and without any fore it only remains for me to say that evidence. He voted against the budget not only because he disapproved on general grounds of its principles, but emphatically because it was his firm conviction that it was the most perverted budget in its tendency and ultimate effects he had ever seen; and if the House should sanction its delusive scheme, the day would come when it would look back with bitter and late, though ineffectual repentance. we hold our present offices only until our successors are appointed. I hope the House will not think it presumptuous on my part if, under these circumstances, I venture to offer them my grateful thanks for the indulgent, and I may even say the generous manner, in which on both sides I have been supported in attempting to conduct the business of this House. If in maintaining a too unequal struggle any The division then took place, with the word has escaped my lips (which I hope following result: 286 305 19 Majority against the government, The division was fatal to the cabinet. Lord Derby proceeded the next morning to Osborne to tender his own resignation and that of his colleagues to Her Majesty. Lord Malmesbury, the evening after the division, made this announcement in the House of Lords:- " :- My Lords, in consequence of what took place in the House of Commons last night, with respect to the resolutions moved by the chancellor of the exchequer, and in consequence of the unavoidable absence of the prime minister, who has gone to see Her Majesty at Osborne, I shall move that this House do now adjourn until Monday next." Upon that day (December 20) Lord Derby announced to his brother peers in the House of Lords the dissolution of the government, and that the queen had been pleased to intrust the formation of a new cabinet to the Earl of Aberdeen. A similar statement was made by Mr. Disraeli in the House of Commons. "After the vote at which the House arrived on Thursday night," he said, "the Earl of Derby and his colleagues thought it their duty to tender the resignation of their offices to Her Majesty, and Her Majesty has been most graciously pleased to accept the same. It has reached me that Lord Aberdeen has undertaken the office of has never been the case except in the way of retort), which has hurt the feelings of any gentleman in this House, I deeply regret it; and I hope that the impression on their part will be as transient as the sense of provocation was on my own. The kind opinion of the members of this House, whatever may be their political opinions and wherever I may sit, will always be to me a most precious possession-one which I shall always covet and most highly appreciate." A soft answer, we know, turneth away wrath, and the example set by Mr. Disraeli caused a tone of chivalrous good feeling to run through the chamber. "I feel quite certain," said Lord John Russell, "that if at any time in the course of our debates those flying words which will occur at such times have carried a barb with them, it is to be attributed entirely to the circumstances in which the House has been placed. For my part I can only admire the ability and gallantry with which the right hon. gentleman has conducted himself on the part of the government and in behalf of the cause which he has undertaken, in the struggle in which he has been for some time engaged. It is perhaps impossible to hope that those halcyon days will ever arrive in which, in the course of debate, an unpremeditated remark will not occasionally occur which will give rise to some unpleasant feeling; but if ever it should occur in future, feelings of that kind must be done away if the person in the situation of the right hon. gentleman imitates his | abuse invective," a whit less generous in example, and disclaims the intention with his acceptance of the apology. He had not the same frankness which he has displayed been conscious, he said, of having used any on the present occasion." expressions beyond the fair limits of debate; Sir Jas. Graham-" whom I will not indeed, in the opinion of those around him, say I greatly respect, but rather whom the attack made upon him had been quite I greatly regard"-in his turn could not uncalled for. "I think it fair to say this refrain from saying a word upon the in my own defence," he continued, "though subject. "It would be impossible for me at the same time I am ready to admit, that not to avow," he began, "that I was feeling strongly as I did on the question, I somewhat pained by an expression which may in the heat of debate have been befell from the right hon. gentleman on trayed into a warmth of expression which Thursday night. If I had thought that it was far beyond my intention to use. the right hon. gentleman by premedita- Having said thus much in my own defence, tion intended to wound me, my feelings I beg to add that I accept the expressions would be far different, and it would be which have just fallen from the right hon. my duty to express them in a different gentleman, the chancellor of the exchequer, manner. But I am not conscious that in the same frank spirit in which he has I have ever, in the course of the debate, uttered them. He must, I am sure, feel said anything with the intentional purpose with me, that after the terms of reciprocal to wound the feelings of the right hon. kindness in which we have always comgentleman, and I could not believe that, municated with each other heretofore, it without provocation, he gave expression to would ill become either of us to indulge words intended to wound me. I was con- in personalities. I will only say further fident, therefore, that the expression that respecting any expression of mine that may had pained me was without premeditation, have given pain to the right hon. gentleand what the right hon. gentleman has just man, that there is no expression of courtesy said to-night has confirmed that impression. towards him that I am not ready and willing There is no member of this House so deeply to make. I am most anxious that our deattached to freedom of debate as I am. In bate be conducted with the utmost courtesy the course of debates here, I have certainly and good feeling, and I am sorry that anymyself used unguarded expressions to others, thing should have arisen to give a different and should consequently be the last person character to our proceedings." It was not to feel resentment after receiving an ex- without reason that Lord Palmerston had planation. At the same time, I cordially said that the House of Commons was an join in what has fallen from my noble friend assembly of gentlemen. the member for the city of London. I have never failed to admire the talents of the right hon. gentleman the chancellor of the exchequer, and I also must say, under great difficulties he has conducted the cause of the government in the last ten months in this House with signal ability. I shall not for one moment recollect the expression to which I have thought it my duty to refer, and I hope my conduct in this House will, at all times, insure some portion of its respect." Nor was Sir Charles Wood, who had been taught that "petulance was not sarcasm, nor Thus fell the Derby, or as it has been called on account of the dominant influence exercised over it by the chancellor of the exchequer, the Derby-Disraeli government. Its overthrow was due to no faults of maladministration, but to the factious combination of three parties in the House of Commons, who were determined from the very first not to allow a cabinet which had once opposed the principles of free trade to continue in office. During the few months the Derby ministry held power it had introduced various wise measures of reform; its foreign policy had been energetic with- | have taken place for many years previous— out being aggressive; whilst its financial reforms of a magnitude and importance schemes, in spite of the organized hostility which have gained the acknowledgments they then encountered, have offered not a both of the members of this House and of few valuable hints-witness, for example, the country at large. . . I take no the reduction of the tea duties-to succeed- credit to the present government for the ing chancellors of the exchequer. state of our finances; but I think I may take credit for our having done this-for having for the first time broken the apathy, the dangerous apathy, which for so many years has existed to the injury of the public service, in regard to the internal defences of this country. And if we leave the affairs of this country in such a state that there is no fear of hostility from abroadin a state of friendly relations with all the great powers-we leave it also in a condition of self-defence, which is partially effected, and towards the full completion of which we have laid a ground which, I trust, will not be abandoned by those who may succeed us—who, I trust, will not be neglectful of those great elements of self-defence which we have called into operation-the old or constitutional force of the militia, and the increase of that naval force on which primarily, and in the first instance, the safety and honour of the country depend. My lords, we leave the administration with the country in a state, I hope, of tranquillity, of contentment, and of prosperity; at peace with all foreign powers -with increased, if not with fully accomplished means of self-defence and selfdependence. Under these circumstances it is no personal sacrifice to us to surrender the reins of office." "My lords," said the Earl of Derby in the Upper House on his resignation of office, "for my own part I need hardly say that, personally to myself, the surrender of office is no sacrifice and costs no pain in personal feelings. It would indeed be a deep mortification to me if, in resigning the trust reposed in my hands by my sovereign, I left the country in a less advantageous position than I found it; but I rejoice to think that, short as has been the period during which I and my colleagues have held office, that period has not been without some advantage to the country; that period has not elapsed without some beneficial measures having been carried; and that we shall leave the country in a condition of as great peace and tranquillity as we found it. My lords, I have no hesitation in saying, that in regard to the foreign relations of the country, we leave it in a more advantageous state—that our foreign relations are in a more friendly and in a more satisfactory position-than when my noble friend, the foreign secretary (Lord Malmesbury), received charge of that department. If we look to the department of law we shall find that greater improvements and reforms have taken place in that department during the last twelve months, than CHAPTER XI. CLOUDS IN THE EAST. LORD ABERDEEN, an amiable and accomplished man, but who lacked the decision of character and the absence of prejudice requisite to lead a cabinet, had seen no little service in the state before having been called upon to form an administration. Twice he had held the seals as secretary of state for foreign affairs, and it was well known that the late Sir Robert Peel had entertained a high opinion of his talents. A scholar, a careful speaker, a man who thought much, almost too much, before he acted, an able composer of state papers, and of sound judgment when he was not too fearful of responsibility, he was one of those men who are excellent administrators under the guidance of some commanding spirit, but who, from the habit of relying upon others, become feeble and incompetent, owing to a too great sensitiveness to public opinion, when compelled to lead and organize. Overawed by the responsibilities of their situation, they regard every question from so many points of view, that they prefer rather to remain stationary than to adopt any decided course of action. The ministry formed by Lord Aberdeen was a singularly strong one. With the exception of Mr. Disraeli, it enrolled within its ranks every member of marked ability in the House of Commons. Lord Cranworth held the great seal; Mr. Gladstone superintended the finances as chancellor of the exchequer; Lord John Russell controlled diplomacy from the foreign office; Lord Palmerston, who wished to extend his knowledge of administration, presided over the internal affairs of the country as home secretary; to the Duke of Newcastle was intrusted the supervision of our colonies; Sir James Graham was once more ruling naval matters at the Admiralty; Mr. Sidney Herbert was secretary at war; Sir Charles Wood, as president of the board of control, was not allowed the opportunity of introducing any further blundering budgets; Lord Granville sat as president of the council; the Duke of Argyle held the privy seal; the Marquis of Lansdowne had a seat in the cabinet without office. It was not, therefore, without some reason, that the Aberdeen administration was christened "All the Talents." The ministerial programme was soon announced. On the meeting of the Houses after the adjournment, Lord Aberdeen laid before his brother peers the course the new government intended to pursue. With regard to foreign powers, they would adhere to the principle which had been pursued for the last thirty years, and which consisted in respecting the rights of all independent states, in abstaining from interference in their internal affairs, and, above all, in an earnest desire to secure the general peace of Europe. Such a policy could be observed without any relaxation of those defensive measures which had been lately undertaken, and which had, perhaps, been too long neglected. At home the mission of the government would be to maintain and extend free-trade principles, and to pursue the commercial and financial system of the late Sir Robert Peel. A crisis in their financial arrangements would speedily occur by the cessation of a large branch of the revenue, and it would tax the ingenuity of all concerned to re-adjust their finances according to the principles of justice and equity. The questions of education and legal reform would also receive every THE EARL OF BEACONSFIELD AND HIS TIMES. 249 attention at the hands of the government; Shortly before the meeting of the Houses, nor would an amendment of the represen- Sir Charles Wood had been entertained at tative system, undertaken without haste or dinner at Halifax by his constituents. In rashness, be excluded from their mature the course of the speech he delivered upon consideration. The government would be that occasion (February 7, 1853), after ́a conservative in preserving all that was few remarks glorifying the Liberal policy in sound and beneficial, and liberal in redressing the past, and the splendid results that had all grievances that were justly complained of. followed from it, he discussed the question A few days after the re-assembling of of the extension of the franchise, to which parliament, Mr. Disraeli, as leader of the he said he was averse until the people Opposition, made his first attack upon the became better educated and more intelliTreasury bench. Events had been rapidly gent. "And surely, gentlemen," he cried, marching in France during the last few" we have warning enough in what has months. It was the old story told so often in political revolutions-first a people dissatisfied with their monarchy; then the liberty, equality, and fraternity of a militant and divided republicanism; then the ambition of one individual; then plots, combinations, and manoeuvres, until the whip of rods is exchanged for the whip of scorpions, and the republic develops into a military despotism. The coup d'état had been successful, and Louis Napoleon had been installed at Nôtre Dame as President of France for the next ten years. Though advised by a state council, a senate of nobles, and a legislative assembly, the whole executive power was really in the hands of the new president. Ambition grows by what it feeds upon, and Louis Napoleon resolved, shortly after his accession to office, to obtain higher honours. He announced to the senate his intention of restoring the Empire, and gave orders that the people should be consulted on the change. France was canvassed, and voted by an immense majority in favour of the restoration of the Empire. The president of the French was accordingly declared emperor of France by the title of Napoleon III., and his title was acknowledged shortly afterwards by England and the rest of the European powers. This elevation to the imperial purple took place a few weeks before the fall of Lord Derby's government, and tended not a little to increase the fears as to the possibility of a French invasion of England. VOL. I. taken place in foreign countries against precipitate and ill-considered measures of this description? There is hardly a country in Europe which, in the last four or five years, has not attempted a revolution. There is hardly a country in Europe in which, I may say, the mob has not for a time gained the ascendency; and there is not a country in Europe in which the reaction has not been such that, at the present moment, despotism rules from one extremity of Europe to the other, and the only power acknowledged is that of the sword. Take our nearest neighbours. Such a despotism never prevailed in France even in the time of Napoleon I. The press gagged; liberty suppressed; no man allowed to speak his opinion; the neighbouring country of Belgium forced to gag her press; no press in Europe free but ours, which, thank God, he cannot gag! And hence his hatred of our press, that it alone dare to speak the truth. But how has that despotism been constituted? Not by the intelligence of France, not by the intelligent electors; not by the educated classes of France, because he altered the constitution before he put the question of his power to the vote. Twice an appeal has been made in the form in which he chose to put it to the people of France. The votes in France were taken by universal suffrage and vote by ballot." Sir Charles concluded by expressing his fear of French aggression, and that, with so unscrupulous a man on the throne as the Emperor Na 32 |